Pre-Suppression Jesuits in German-Speaking Lands

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Sky Michael Johnston
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Sky Michael Johnston Last modified: December 2016


The definitive history of the Society of Jesus in German-speaking lands was written by Bernhard Duhr, S.J., (1852–1930). His magisterial work Geschichte der Jesuiten in den Ländern deutscher Zunge, published between 1907 and 1928, remains the first point of reference for topics related to German Jesuits through the eighteenth century. In terms of scope and detail, the study is remarkable. The work spans four volumes—two of which are divided into two hefty parts—and fills over four thousand pages. With systematic organization, it moves methodically by century (sixteenth century, first half of the seventeenth century, second half of the seventeenth century, eighteenth century) examining in turn the Jesuits in Germany and Austria both geographically (divided by provinces) and by their ministries. No one has tried to reduplicate the product that Duhr dedicated decades to creating.1 Although Duhr himself has received comparatively little historiographical or bibliographical attention, Duhr’s work continues to be cited widely today.2 Duhr, though, has by no means offered the last word on the history of pre-suppression German Jesuits.

In this essay, I emphasize the importance of two eras of scholarship that remain vitally essential to the research of the present-day. The first is the era of scholarship from the late nineteenth century and first few decades of the twentieth century which was in the midst of its vibrancy roughly one hundred years ago. Duhr’s work is characteristic of the achievements of this era when scholarship, especially in the German language, pioneered the type of detailed archival investigation that remains a defining feature of the historical profession. Studies from these decades created multi-volume compilations of primary sources together in one place for the first time and created historical narratives based on modern methods of archival research and a methodology that prized the ideal of objectivity. The projects from this era marked the beginning of a new stage in studies on the Jesuits in German lands prior to the 1773 suppression of the order. Since the first decades of the twentieth century, new studies have drawn from shared access to records that were not widely available before this era. Although they do not comprise a first generation of scholarship on the Jesuits, those monumental works from this era around the turn of the twentieth century constitute a foundational era in Jesuit scholarship. Modern academic study of the Jesuits which has proliferated throughout the last century has been built on the base of this era.3

The second era that I will emphasize in the historiography of pre-suppression German Jesuits emerged about three decades ago.4 A number of factors combined at this time to give scholarship on early modern and Enlightenment-era Jesuits the essential features that remain today. At the risk of oversimplification, one could say that about thirty years ago the history of the Jesuits became interesting to more people than it had been before. One of the most significant shifts in Jesuit studies was the expansion of scholars writing about Jesuits to include those besides Jesuits themselves. Whereas mostly Jesuits wrote the history of Jesuits before the mid-twentieth century, the current era of Jesuit historiography includes robust contributions from scholars outside the Society. The broadening of contributors to the historiography of the Jesuits coincides with a broadening of questions posed to the historical records left by the Jesuits. Scholars now study the Jesuits for reasons besides the older motivations of an interest in one’s own institution or the history of ecclesiastical organizations more broadly.

The so-called “cultural turn” in the historical profession as a whole since the 1980s, especially in North America, corresponds with the emergence of new research interests and questions that eschew institutional histories and top-down approaches.5 Common features of historical scholarship since the cultural turn—an abundance of microhistories, discipline-specific methodologies, skepticism towards metanarratives, unease about claims to objectivity—have fragmented the scholarship about pre-suppression German Jesuits. New scholars from outside the order as well as leading Jesuit historians have recently lent new perspectives to topics previously in the domain of church history. No longer an autonomous and unified subject of study in itself, the Society of Jesus in German lands has become an access point for countless places throughout the early modern world. The records created and preserved by German Jesuits from the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries offer one-of-a-kind perspectives on a host of subjects that scholars are seeking to uncover, including popular religious practice and beliefs, education, the arts, gender roles, activities of women, intercultural contact, globalization, and many more.

A close examination of the field of scholarship on German Jesuits before 1773 reveals two key features of the field. On the one hand, there is a unifying influence caused by the long tradition of scholarship specifically about—and often produced by—Jesuits, including many of the standard works from roughly a century ago that remain the foundation of modern scholarship. On the other hand, there exists a fracturing influence stemming from a recent proliferation of methodological approaches to Jesuit records. This new diversity reflects the broadening of academic disciplines in which early modern Jesuits have become relevant. Despite seemingly pushing the field separate directions, however, these two features are actually best understood as overlapping with each other. A contemporary study utilizing German Jesuit history to engage the most current research debates in a given field still makes use of the accrued scholarship on Jesuits from generations past. In this way, the scholarship of the past, including its focus on the very real religious characteristics of the pre-suppression German Jesuits, becomes relevant to new historical inquiries inspired by developments within various academic fields in the past few decades. The work of Louis Châtellier offers but one prominent example of how the history of Jesuit ministries has been employed as part of the story of a societal development bigger than the history of the Jesuits themselves.6 The following essay overviews the plurality of ways in which, during the past thirty years, the history of the Society in German lands has become a part of other disparate histories.

The structure of the essay reflects the diverse nature of the body of literature on pre-suppression Jesuits in German-speaking lands and is thus divided thematically.7 Like much else about German Jesuits before the suppression, archival sources are also highly decentralized.8 The well-known Jesuit archival collections in Rome and even German archives of the various Jesuit provinces in German-speaking lands often do not hold a comprehensive collection of archival materials for the subjects discussed below. While it would be impossible to list all the archives and other institutions that house records of the Jesuits in Germany, in the text and footnotes below I attempt to guide the reader to relevant primary sources. The ever-growing amount of primary-source material from early modern German-speaking lands available online may someday create a single digital location for accessing German Jesuit sources, but for the time being these records remain scattered.9

The Early German Jesuits and the Development of the Order in German Lands

Jesuits arrived in German lands almost simultaneously with the founding of the Society of Jesus by Ignatius of Loyola (c.1491–1556) in 1540. The first to arrive were Pierre Favre (1506–46), Nicolás Bobadilla (1511–90), and Claude Le Jay (c.1504–52).10 All three of these men were among the nine companions of Ignatius who assembled in Paris between 1528 and 1536.11 Within early communities of Jesuits that these men established in Germany, Peter Canisius (1521–97) is the single figure who has had the most substantial historical legacy.12 Canisius was born the son of a wealthy burgomaster in Nijmegen in the Netherlands in 1521, in the archdiocese of Cologne.13 He studied at the University of Cologne, earning a bachelor degree and licentiate of liberal arts there. He made his first contact with the Jesuits in Cologne, and in 1543 he visited Pierre Favre in Mainz. On May 8 of that year, his twenty-second birthday, he joined the Society of Jesus in Mainz.14 Over the next fifty-four years until his death in 1597, Canisius engaged in a host of activities throughout many cities and played a major role in establishing Jesuit institutions in the Rhineland, Bavaria, Austria, Bohemia, and Switzerland. In his first two decades in the Society of Jesus, Canisius worked in Cologne (1543), Ingolstadt (1549), Vienna (1552), Prague (1555), Worms (1557), Straubing (1558), Augsburg (1559), and Innsbruck (1563).15 He was also the first head of the Upper German province from 1556 to 1569.

Memorialized as the second apostle to Germany by those who celebrate his efforts to re-Catholicize regions drifting to the Protestant Reformation, Canisius was beatified in 1864 and canonized in 1925. Both dates correspond to important stages in the historiography of Canisius.16 In 1865, the Jesuit Florian Rieß (1823–82) wrote a biography of Canisius to commemorate his beatification.17 His canonization sparked a flood of literature after 1925 including the standard biography of Canisius written by James Brodrick, S.J., (1891–1972) and published in 1935.18 In terms of total publications about individual people from 1900 to 1980, Canisius was the most written about German Jesuit, ahead of Karl Rahner, S.J., (1904–84), and the fifth most written about person of all Jesuits.19 Scholarship about Canisius throughout the twentieth century has highlighted his multiple endeavors and accomplishments, often with an emphasis on his role as a leading figure in the re-Catholicization of much of the Holy Roman Empire and his pioneering work in establishing a foothold for the Jesuits to build from in German lands. These themes have continued to inspire scholarship about Canisius in the last few decades.20 The scholarship on Canisius exemplifies the continued attention placed on the spiritual and pastoral ministries of Jesuits in recent histories. As the work of Hilmar M. Pabel shows, even the polemical aspects of Canisius’s ministry are still emphasized in the most recent scholarship.21 The significance of this investigation is no longer to champion the cause of Canisius, but rather to understand the religious world, in which he lived.

The foundation for the secondary scholarship on Canisius in the past century or so is the monumental work of Otto Braunsberger, S.J. (1850–1926). Braunsberger spent roughly four decades compiling and editing Canisius’s writings and correspondences, ultimately producing the eight-volume Beati Petri Canisii Societatis Iesu epistulae et acta, which was printed between 1896 and 1923.22 Published over the same decades as Duhr’s history of the Jesuits in German-speaking lands, Braunsberger’s work similarly remains the most comprehensive work on its given subject. His final product consists of approximately eight thousand pages with over 2,400 letters and over 1,600 other documents.23 Braunsberger also published four other works on Canisius in his lifetime. His extensive archival work included personal trips and collaborations via correspondence that involved gathering sources from three hundred different libraries and archives.24 Although carried out in a scope rarely attempted in later decades, Braunsberger’s work—like others produced in German scholarship during these same years—utilized the methodologies of archival research that largely remain standard in the historical profession. The number of archives that Braunsberger and his collaborators consulted also underscores the fractured nature of records about the early Jesuits in German lands. Since Braunsberger, others have carried on the work of publishing Canisius’s writings. Friedrich Streicher, S.J. (1881–1965) published critical editions of Canisius’s catechism and meditations from the 1930s to the 1960s.25 Most recently, Paul Begheyn, S.J., has continued the task of publishing Canisius’s writings.26

Canisius and the other early Jesuits in German-speaking lands established colleges in cities that would become centers of their activities over the next centuries. Of particular significance are the colleges founded in Cologne (1544), Vienna (1552), and Ingolstadt (1556). In the sixteenth century, these cities were vital to the first Jesuit provinces in German-speaking lands: the Upper and Lower German provinces founded in 1556. In the 1560s, the Rhine province emerged from the Lower German province and an Austrian province had split from the Upper German province.27 In the seventeenth century, the Jesuit provinces further expanded by dividing the Rhine province in 1626 into the Lower Rhine province28 and the Upper Rhine province centered in Mainz. In the early 1620s, the Austrian province was divided into the Austrian province and the Bohemian province centered in Prague.29 The devastation of wars in these regions starting with the Thirty Years’ War from 1618 to 1648 reduced the number of Jesuits in these areas in the second half of the seventeenth century.30 In the eighteenth century, however, the Jesuits added the Silesian province including the cities of Breslau (today Wrocław, Poland) and Braunsberg (today Braniewo, Poland).31 A short-lived Bavarian province was founded from the Upper German province just a few years before the suppression of 1773. The Jesuits also carried out missions to northern regions of German lands, and expanded the Austrian province to the borders of Habsburg lands in the east.32 From the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries, therefore, the Jesuits spread to and resided in an eclectic mix of cities in regions comprising the generically designated “German lands.” Unique local contexts and influences shaped the experiences of “German Jesuits.”


Controversy plagued early modern German Jesuits and has continued to be a theme in accounts and scholarship about the order in Germany ever since. German lands were fraught with religious struggles between Protestants and those loyal to the Roman church. Confessional polemics and Jesuit efforts on behalf of the Counter-Reformation framed representations of the Jesuits from both sides of the conflict. The Jesuits in Germany actively participated in and contributed to the polemical struggles of the day through in-person ministries as well as through printed records that remain to this day.33 Characteristics of the Jesuit order, such as its institutional structure and relationship to papal authority, were scrutinized and vilified. Besides its ecclesiastical features, the Jesuits’ connections to temporal powers were viewed with suspicion by contemporaries and continue to generate discussion among scholars. The image of the Society of Jesus as a controversial organization was codified by the global suppression of the order in 1773. That event, while in itself immensely controversial, has ever since framed the memory of the pre-suppression order.

Controversies about the Jesuits in Germany may be longstanding, but they are in no way static. Treatments of individual points of controversy have been subject to historiographical trends. The Jesuits played an active and varied role in combating Protestantism throughout the German lands. How this effort is framed establishes the parameters for how the Jesuits’ activities can be understood. On the one hand, Jesuit efforts at promoting the Roman Catholic Church against Protestant forms of Christianity have been seen as a missionary effort akin to that of overseas missions.34 The notion of converting Protestants was taken seriously by Jesuits who even restricted the access of German Jesuit missionaries outside of Germany in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries to focus on evangelization at home.35 On the other hand, Jesuits have been depicted as those who suppressed the spreading of the true Gospel, believed to be contained in the teachings of Luther and subsequent Protestants.36 In this light, the Jesuits have been cast as militant and a type of mercenary force for the papacy.37 As scholarship on the Jesuits has become less polemical in the past few decades, newer studies have attempted to bypass the gridlock that these two oppositional starting points imposed. In these studies, the Jesuits in German-speaking lands become part of a more diverse and complex early modern Catholicism.38

This shift happened not only because of the broadening of scholars interested in Jesuit history to include those not primarily focused on religion, but also because of developments within the field of religious history. The wide adoption of the confessionalization thesis in the 1980s, largely developed in the work of Ernst Walter Zeeden, Wolfgang Reinhard, and Heinz Schilling, moved scholarship beyond framing Catholicism and Protestantism as two opposites.39 The idea of seeing Catholicism and its Protestant counterparts as different “confessions” on a parallel historical trajectory has made a huge impact on the field in the past three decades.40 The title of John W. O’Malley’s 2013 collection of essays, Saints or Devils Incarnate?, reflects the framework that dominated scholarship on Jesuits from the sixteenth century through most of the twentieth century. The confessionalization thesis, at least in part, created an escape from having to choose whether the Jesuits were completely good or completely evil. More than just a moral verdict was at stake for historical interpretation. In the tradition of Jacob Burckhardt (1818–97) and Max Weber (1864–1920), along with being evil the Catholic side was medieval and anti-modern, again the complete opposite of how Protestants were portrayed. Such a framework precluded recognition of the intellectual and social contributions that Jesuits made to European society at the dawn of the modern age.41 Marc R. Forster has moved this scholarly conversation even further. With attention to early modern German Catholicism at the popular level, he has nuanced the narrative of a top-down implementation of confessionalization. His studies show a more dynamic interplay between the church reform promoted by Jesuits and medieval Catholicism in the early modern era.42

Certain ideas that people held regarding the Jesuits gave life to the accusations that they were malicious. One of these was that the Jesuits exerted influence over political decisions. Jesuits did have connections to powerful political figures in the polities where they had bases throughout the Holy Roman Empire. During the Thirty Years’ War critics were very wary of Jesuit relationships with Wittelsbach Duke Maximilian of Bavaria (r.1598–1651) and Habsburg Archduke Ferdinand who governed Inner Austria from Graz from 1595 to 1619 and became Holy Roman Emperor Ferdinand II (r.1619–37).43 The idea that Jesuits were in some fashion pulling the strings behind major political operations was not unique to German lands, but drew from a conception of a centralized enterprise manipulating the whole world from Rome. This idea has been convincingly challenged in recent studies that have highlighted the complexities of Jesuit political thought in this era and the plurality of views and political policies within the order. While often maligned, the Jesuits actually made key contributions to early modern political thought that was widely adopted if unacknowledged.44 The possibility for this scenario existed in part because contrary to popular slander, the Society of Jesus was not a “monolithic organization” uniformly pursuing a grand plan for European or global politics.45 Moreover, a conspiratorial emphasis on Jesuits and tyrannicide or a view of them as solely advocating papal authority above temporal governments overlooks the actual roles Jesuits played in early modern German politics. Jesuits in various courts throughout German lands had local concerns and spiritual aims.

The global suppression of the Society of Jesus in 1773 by Pope Clement XIV is the controversial event that had the most outstanding impact on the Jesuits. Recent studies have grappled with the question of why the suppression occurred.46 Simple explanations have become unconvincing as scholars engage the complex confluence of global politics that factored in the suppression. Jesuit missionaries had been removed from the Portuguese Empire in 1759, France in 1764, and the Spanish Empire in 1767 with suspicions about the political intentions of Jesuits being a factor. Because the overseas empires did not include German polities, German Jesuits do not always receive a great deal of mention in discussion of the global suppression. Many German Jesuits were directly affected by these developments, however, because the German provinces supplied a high percentage of the Jesuit missionaries in the eighteenth century who were removed from their overseas mission fields.47 Of course, German Jesuits at home in Europe also experienced the heightened tensions faced by the order in local contexts as well.48 The plight of German Jesuits in Europe in the mid-eighteenth century leading up to the suppression is also a complex story that continues to intrigue researchers.49

One of the most fascinating pieces of this puzzle is the figure of Maria Theresa of Austria (1717–80).50 A strong ally of the Jesuits, Maria Theresa eventually ceased her support of the order, removing one of the last obstacles before the 1773 global suppression.51 Recent scholarship has shown that the Jesuits’ loss of political backing in Austria, as elsewhere, belies a simple explanation and involved ambivalent attitudes towards the Jesuits. Derek Beales has extensively studied the Holy Roman Empire and Austrian monarchy, with special attention to Maria Theresa’s son, coregent, and heir Joseph II (1741–90).52 Beales shows that Joseph II was no enemy of the Jesuits and that in the eighteenth century Jesuits remained part of a Catholic effort that inspired reforms in the Church.53 The Society of Jesus was a creative force in society and not merely an obstacle to change and reform.

One final controversial subject that is not usually mentioned by scholars in the same context as the other, more notorious, debates treated thus far is Jesuit involvement in witch trials. The European persecution of witches was particularly acute in German lands and especially Catholic regions. Bernhard Duhr addressed the legacy of Jesuit participation in these persecutions at four separate points in his history of the Jesuits in Germany, recording that Jesuits both favored and opposed the existing forms of violence against accused witches.54 Duhr’s approach of acknowledging Jesuit support for witch trials but also reflecting upon those Jesuits who criticized them has continued to the present day. Especially in German scholarship, Friedrich Spee, S.J. (1591–1635), one of the first Europeans to develop systematic critiques of the use of torture in witch trials with his Cautio criminalis, is the subject of great attention.55 A number of publications about Spee in German emerged around 1985, the 350th anniversary of his death.56 Since 1994, the Spee-Jahrbuch has been published—bi-annually since 2009—with a mixture of scholarly articles and reports aimed at a general readership. The scholarly and popular interest in Spee in German literature has not been matched in any large measure in English scholarship.57 Even the topic of witch trials, therefore, fits a larger trend in the recent scholarship of disinterest in making moral judgements about the Jesuits in favor of exploring their setting and the complexities of their times.

Education and Learning

German Jesuits had a profound impact on education in Europe during the late Renaissance and Enlightenment. They shaped the institutions of learning in German lands and made vital contributions to the academic disciplines of mathematics, astronomy, and natural philosophy that set the course for progress in the so-called Scientific Revolution.58 As this history is acknowledged, a substantial portion of literature about Jesuits in German lands is focused on themes related to proto-scientific or scientific developments. Long excluded from a Burckhardtian narrative of European progress, Jesuit thinkers are now increasingly recognized as important actors in many of the multiple processes that increased knowledge of the world. This shift has coincided with historiographical trends in the field of history of science.59 As in many other fields that have moved away from all-encompassing, often teleological meta-narratives to explain changes in the past, “the days of the large scale historical account of the Scientific Revolution seem to be almost gone.”60 Rather than the history of science, scholars have begun to acknowledge a plurality of sciences in Europe before 1800.61 The Jesuits had several points of connection to these sciences.

Jesuit schools, colleges, and universities in German lands formed the foundation for the great influence the Jesuits had on European education from the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries.62 The Jesuits rapidly founded colleges and gained important positions in existing universities from their first decades in German lands.63 In the early seventeenth century, the Jesuits had ten colleges in the Lower Rhine province, twelve colleges or academies in the Upper Rhine province, twenty colleges in the Upper German province and twenty-three colleges in the Austrian province.64 These academic institutions connected the Jesuits to all levels of society in their various communities. Records from the Jesuit school at Munich reveal that in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries over eighty percent of the school’s students came from non-noble or civic office holding families.65 As the case of the University of Ingolstadt shows, however, Jesuits also utilized connections to elites in local cities to bolster their own presence in academic institutions.66 The institutional records of Jesuit schools, colleges, universities, therefore, are a wealth of information about local early modern towns and cities, and they have been mined accordingly.67

One of the brightest stars to emerge from the German Jesuit education system in the seventeenth century was the polymath Athanasius Kircher (1602–80).68 Kircher was born in Geisa near Fulda, attended the Jesuit school in Fulda, and studied in Paderborn, Cologne, and Koblenz before eventually relocating to Rome for the rest of his career.69 The abundance of scholarly attention paid to Kircher in the last two decades, a reversal from earlier inattention, is representative of the way the Jesuits have been newly recognized for their contributions to science.70 Kircher’s wide range of studies included many pursuits that did not fit neatly in a teleological narrative of steady progress towards modern science. Recent scholarship in the history of science has challenged such positivist narratives and has given attention to subjects such as early modern alchemy which has previously been seen as pseudo-science. Similarly, the new scholarship on Kircher recognizes his work as an important part of the intellectual world which produced long celebrated advances and not just a historical dead end.

German Jesuits’ roles in institutions of higher learning gave them influence on important developments within academic fields. Older narratives often depicted Jesuits, and Catholics as a whole, as traditional and retrospective during the advances of the Scientific Revolution.71 Many studies have recently shown that Jesuits were actually very active participants in the shifts that enabled new paradigms for understanding the natural world.72 This awareness includes a more nuanced understanding of the relationship of Jesuit thought to Aristotelian frameworks that were gradually overturned in the late Renaissance. German Jesuits made key contributions to transformations within the field of natural philosophy, specifically the acceptance of a mathematical basis for explaining nature, that was a central factor in the landmark shift that eventually overthrew two thousand years of accepted knowledge about the world based on Aristotle. The Jesuits actively helped shape the course of this shift in academic disciplines and not just by resisting change.73 The Jesuit universities in German lands became European centers for advances in mathematics.74 Students and scholars from these locations made leading discoveries in various fields.75 At the dawn of the Enlightenment, German Jesuits continued to remain engaged with the leading thinkers in Europe as is shown by the correspondences between Barthélémy de Bosses (1663–1738) and Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz (1646–1716).76

In the decades before the suppression of the order in 1773 at the height of the Enlightenment, the Jesuits in Germany came under siege intellectually from many different directions; even during these years, however, the Jesuits were hardly on the sidelines as the world passed them by.77 Voltaire’s unflattering depiction of a Jesuit in Candide exemplifies a certain dichotomy between Enlightenment secularists and scorned Catholics.78 In German lands, the actual situation was far more complex.79 Even as they lost the stronghold they established in earlier centuries at educational institutions throughout Catholic German lands, the Jesuits remained an influential force in the age of Enlightenment. As a whole, scholarly recognition of Jesuit contributions to science—with central figures and institutions in German lands—has been a key theme in the major shifts within the field of the history of science. In the field of Jesuit studies, it has brought a burst of new energy and perspectives to topics that had been viewed more parochially in the past.

The Arts

The task of concisely summarizing the German Jesuits’ contributions to the arts is uniquely challenging given the varied media the Jesuits employed and the rich scholarly treatment of their contributions. Although the artistic endeavors of the Jesuits in German lands largely defy generalization, Jeffrey Chipps Smith’s 2002 work, Sensuous Worship: Jesuits and the Art of the Early Catholic Reformation in Germany, offers a good introduction to the range of Jesuit art, including architecture, and some key themes in recent analysis of it.80 Chipps Smith draws attention to the connections between German Jesuit art and the Jesuits’ missionary objectives in German lands. Art, therefore, is yet another example of how the pastoral aims of Jesuits guided their activities in Germany. Chipps Smith’s work on Jesuit art dovetails nicely with a more general historiographical trend in North American scholarship focusing on how experiences with art were shared from different perspectives.81 Ignatian spirituality lends itself very well to this interest because of its focus on sensual experience.82 Furthermore, the Jesuits intentional aim of provoking a response from audiences through their art also fits harmoniously with current scholarly interest in better understanding the interplay between artists, art, and audiences.

It did not take the scholarly trends of just the past decades, however, to spark research on the art of German Jesuits. Already in the era of monumental works on Jesuit history in the early twentieth century, scholars had taken up the topic of German Jesuit art. In 1908, Joseph Braun, S.J. (1857–1947) published a volume on the church architecture of the Jesuits in Germany in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.83 In 1923, Willi Flemming (1888–1980) published his work Geschichte des Jesuitentheaters in den Landen deutscher Zunge and in 1930 Johannes Müller, S.J., published the similarly entitled Das Jesuitendrama in den Ländern deutscher Zunge: Vom Anfang (1555) bis zum Hochbarock (1665), both evoking their contemporary Bernhard Duhr with their titles.84 German Jesuit theater, music, poetry, and literature have especially garnered the attention of scholars.

Jesuit theater was an expansive enterprise with rich details that have been analyzed in depth by scholars.85 Fidel Rädle has recently published one overview of Jesuit theater in Germany, Austria, and Switzerland.86 Rädle traces historic predecessors and origins of Jesuit theater, the ancient sources that inspired the text of the plays, their numerous genres, political employments of the plays, as well as geographic networks of Jesuits behind the plays. He also explains that the plays had several functions but were most of all intended to “lead both to the reinforcement and psychological comfort of all individuals and to a solidarity of Catholic feeling in the community.”87 The conscious awareness of these communal aims make the plays a valuable source for investigating Jesuit goals and techniques as well as how Jesuits interacted with all levels of society in their localities. The most famous individual figure in Jesuit theater is playwright Jacob Bidermann (1578–1649).88 His first play, Cenodoxus, was performed in the early seventeenth century and was published in 1666.89 Recent analysis of it has examined how the various elements of the text, production of the play, and experience of the audience combined to foster an experience of Ignatian spirituality.90 Following an increased interest in global connections and the formation of ideas about distant global regions, scholars have recently looked at German theater for its representations of other parts of the world.91

German Jesuits’ contributions to the fields of music, poetry, and literature have also received extensive treatment in older and new studies. Alexander J. Fisher has recently published an extensive work on Jesuit music in Bavaria that even puts music in the context of a rich theoretical analysis of the various sounds that comprised the “soundscapes” of the region.92 Fisher’s work is part of a burgeoning field of scholarship on music related to the work of the Society of Jesus in German lands and the Jesuits globally.93 Poetry and other literature from the Jesuits in German lands has similarly been examined by scholars as a source for understanding Jesuit thought and strategies for interacting with others.94 Use of “emblems” is one feature of Jesuit literature in particular that has attracted the continued attention of scholars interested in how Jesuits incorporated diverse influences into their writings for often pluralistic communities.95 Altogether, the arts remain one of the most vibrant topics of study about Jesuits in German lands.

Missions and Global Networks

An interest in understanding globalization has given rise to attention to the new connections that were forged throughout the world following extended contact between people from the eastern and western hemispheres after 1492. This interest is a component of the influential historiographical development in scholarship over the past twenty years sometimes called the global turn.96 It is not a coincidence that the Jesuit order with its extensive records and global reach from the mid-sixteenth century captured the attention of scholars who investigate early modern global connections. This attention has reshaped perspectives on the unity and characteristics of the global Roman Catholic Church in the early modern era, especially in regards to the position of the Jesuits with Rome.97 A recognition that empires—Spanish, Portuguese, Dutch, English—were not the only entities through which to frame a perspective of overseas contact in the early modern world opens up the possibility for looking to other sources such as the Jesuits. The perspective of missionaries has added new textures to our understanding of global interactions in the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries. Narratives of imperial history have also been altered. One instance of this shift that is slowly unfolding is the inclusion of Germans as part of the history of global exploration and expansion by Europeans. Recent scholarly attention to German Jesuit missionaries overseas, then, sits at the intersection of several new trends in global histories.

There are early studies that chronicle German Jesuit involvement in overseas missions, but they did not become part of the main narratives of imperialism.98 Today, the activities of German Jesuits are seen in a more comprehensive light. In 2014, Ronnie Po-chia Hsia noted that the eighteenth century was “the era of the German missionary.”99 One reason for this was that already by the late-seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries German Jesuits made up over one-third of all Jesuits and therefore had the resources in terms of people to send missionaries abroad.100 It has only been in the 1990s and 2000s, however, that historians have painstakingly compiled records of which German Jesuits served as overseas missionaries and chronicled their biographies including as many details as possible about where they lived in German lands and abroad.101 This extensive knowledge of German involvement in overseas missions has begun to result in more precise historical accounts of non-European spaces, such as Bernd Hausberger’s history that highlights that role of German Jesuits on the colonial frontiers of Spanish Mexico in the eighteenth century.102

Another important result of this scholarship on German Jesuit connections overseas is what it has revealed about religious attitudes, beliefs, and practices of Jesuits in Germany.103 German Jesuits at home and the families of Jesuits corresponded with their colleagues, sons, and brothers who were overseas.104 Jesuit missionary Franz Inama (1719–82) once shared a recipe from colonial Mexico for making tortillas with his sister, a Carmelite in Cologne.105 The possibility of Carmelite nuns enjoying tortillas in a Cologne convent is an example of one small, but tangible way in which Jesuit missionaries influenced their homelands from abroad.  Religious piety among German Jesuits was deeply shaped by information from around the world, as Ulrike Strasser has recently detailed in her study on the influence of the images of missionaries such as Francis Xavier on German Jesuits’ own self-fashioning.106

On a broader level, Jesuits contributed to and sometimes fell victim to the position of German lands as a center of printing in Europe. Many global information networks passed through German lands.107 On the one hand, accounts from Jesuits about distant lands were popular reading for Germans who were interested in hearing about new peoples and places. On the other hand, critical and sometimes fantastical accounts of Jesuit activities abroad also swirled in print at levels that the Jesuits themselves could not keep pace.108 These records provide information to today’s scholars for assessing the merits of Jesuit missionary activities—a controversial issue that still generates interest and debate.109 One of the most remarkable German publications comprising information from Jesuits around the world was Jesuit Joseph Stöcklein’s (1676–1733) Neue Welt-Bott (New World messenger) which was printed from 1726 to 1761 and consisted of 812 texts in forty parts and five volumes.110 Not only was this publication read widely by German Catholics and Protestants alike, it was also the product of local and long-distance German networks with connections to the cities of Graz and Augsburg, the German publishing giant Veith, and, of course, the German Jesuits’ own global network of correspondences. It is one prominent example of the German printed records by and about Jesuits that bear witness to the active role that Jesuits played in the formation of European ideas about the world and the information networks which shaped them.


Studies of Jesuits in German-speaking lands are varied and cover a range of topics. This reflects the reality of the Jesuits’ multifarious activities in this region of Europe. They touched many aspects of society including politics, religion, and art and made records of nearly all their actions. The fractured state of scholarship about German Jesuits today is also a result of very well developed individual scholarly fields of research. Many specialized and detailed areas of study are illuminated by attention to Jesuit sources. This necessitates that proper analysis of the Jesuit source or historical figure in question satisfactorily address an existing body of specialized secondary literature. This takes expertise and space, in the form of pages, in a work. This fracturing has also been intensified in the past few decades by the expansion of topics seen as legitimate subjects for historical inquiry and new topics of interest such as globalization, print culture, and information networks. In these areas, the Jesuits have correctly been identified as being well-suited for study. Finally, this all becomes possible also as a result of the shift away from studies that were mostly by or against Jesuits. There is now a broader range of questions posed to the historical records left by the Jesuits. With such a fractured body of literature, is it even possible to speak of a single field of scholarship about pre-suppression German Jesuits today?

Certainly, it is. The unity of scholarship on German Jesuit history is being preserved by projects such as Jesuit Historiography Online and the bibliographical projects mentioned above which employ great energy to systematize the proliferation of studies that examine Jesuits. These projects are not merely manipulations from outside—an effort to domesticate unruly terrain or to mold a formless mass into something recognizable. They are a continuation of institutional record keeping and self-reporting that has been a central feature of the Society of Jesus for centuries. Even though interests in Jesuit history have diversified, the new studies that result from those interests are accumulated into a uniquely well-established web of information about the Society of Jesus as an institution. Without being rigid or limiting, well-developed structures are in place, which make it possible to connect new scholarship, as vast as it is, to existing narratives about and knowledge of Jesuit history.

At an even more fundamental level, the new scholarship on sixteenth- to eighteenth-century German Jesuits binds itself together as it is produced. Here again I call attention to the overlapping relationship between the studies and narratives produced around a century ago and the scholarship of the past few decades. Although the nationalism and religious dogmatism that often colored past scholarship has been eschewed in recent years, new research still references the data and narratives of earlier generations of scholars. The early modern Jesuits, as described by their Jesuit descendants in the early twentieth century, were spiritual men with spiritual concerns. Clossey has written of the risk of those early modern Jesuits losing their Christianity at the hands of modern scholars and becoming merely anthropologists.111 One could replace “anthropologist” with any number of roles the Jesuits played—such as artist or natural philosopher—that attract the attention of scholars today. To lose sight of the Jesuits as priests, pastors, confessors, and missionaries would be a loss, but as Clossey’s own work excellently models, it has also been largely avoided. The scholarship of the past few decades has not ignored the existing body work on Jesuits, which emphasized spiritual aims. The reason for this is not simply that it is good practice for scholars to be well-versed in old historiography. The work from a century ago still remains relevant. The religious and institutional features of the German Jesuits—minutely detailed in those older works—have only become more important as the Jesuits are recognized as key actors in the early modern world.

The burgeoning awareness of the German Jesuits’ significance in the early modern world has triggered a sequence of compounding interest for Jesuit studies. The German Jesuits have long been recognized as important for understanding church history and the history of Catholicism. Now, they are becoming recognized as important for understanding the history of science, the history of globalization, and other important processes that developed in the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries. The interest is compounding because rather than diminishing the importance of the Jesuits’ spiritual motivations and ecclesiastical structures, those topics now become relevant for understanding how and why the Jesuits influenced societies in the ways that they did. With thoughtful attention, nearly any feature of the early modern German Jesuits can now be linked to the important roles they played in shaping the modern world. Given the wealth of primary sources left by the order in German-speaking lands, the basis is firmly set for continued growth in the field of scholarship on pre-suppression German Jesuits.


I would like to thank Robert A. Maryks for attentive and generous work in his role as editor of this project. Ulrike Strasser at the University of California, San Diego kindly read a draft of this essay and offered her expert opinion. The anonymous reviewer exhibited a detailed knowledge of this field in providing very helpful editorial suggestions and useful references. I offer my appreciation to both of them, as well as to Virginia Johnston for closely reading a later draft of the essay.


1 Other projects have supplemented the work of Duhr such as Josef Teschitel, S.J., “Versuch einer Bibliographie des P. Bernhard Duhr S.I.,” Archivum historicum Societatis Iesu 13 (1944): 132–64. A study of comparable scope has just recently been completed tracing the history of the Jesuits in Germany after the restoration of the order, Klaus Schatz, Geschichte der deutschen Jesuiten, 1814–1983, 5 vols. (Münster: Aschendorff, 2013).

2 Duhr has never been the subject of a biography. This recent article-length study is the best place to start for information about Duhr, Clemens Brodkorb, “Leben und Wirken von Pater Bernhard Duhr S.J. (1852–1930),” in Konfessionskonflikt, Kirchenstruktur, Kulturwandel: Die Jesuiten im Reich nach 1556 (Mainz: Zabern, 2007), 185–203.

3 Scholars have invested extensive effort in creating bibliographies that have kept pace with the steady flow of publications about Jesuits, extending the order’s own rich tradition of bibliographic record keeping. Carlos Sommervogel, S.J., (1834–1902) assembled a monumental bibliography of works by Jesuits from the founding of the order to the end of the nineteenth century in his Bibliothèque de la Compagnie de Jésus (Paris: Alphonse Picard, 1898). Since the beginning of the twentieth century bibliographic record keeping has included scholarship about Jesuits written by Jesuits and by others outside of the order. For the years 1900 to 1980 see László Polgár S.J., Bibliographie sur l’histoire de la Compagnie de Jésus 1901–1980, 6 vols. (Rome: Institutum Historicum S.I., 1981–90). Annual bibliographies from 1981 to 2000 can be found in Archivum historicum Societatis Iesu (AHSI) vols. 51–70. In 2006, Paul Begheyn, S.J., took over responsibility for the annual bibliography starting with the years 2000 to 2005. Since 2006 the second issue of every volume of AHSI includes Begheyn’s annual bibliography. Starting in the summer of 2016 Brill has launched The Boston College Jesuit Bibliography: The New Sommervogel Online (NSO), While currently featuring the years from 2006 to 2015, the project aims to eventually incorporate all previous bibliographic compilations of scholarship on Jesuits in its digital format. For more information on this project see Kasper Volk and Chris Staysniak, “Bringing Jesuit Bibliography into the Twenty-First Century: Boston College’s New Sommervogel Online,” Journal of Jesuit Studies 3, no. 1 (2016): 61–83.

4 Perhaps John W. O’Malley’s The First Jesuits (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993) can be cited as the starting point of this new era, as Robert A. Maryks suggests in “Foreword,” in Saints or Devils Incarnate: Studies in Jesuit History, by John W. O’Malley (Leiden: Brill, 2013), xi. O’Malley himself uses 1990 as a general reference point for this shift in historiography in his still important historiographical essay, “The Historiography of the Society of Jesus: Where Does It Stand Today?” in The Jesuits: Cultures, Sciences, and the Arts, 1540–1773, ed. John W. O’Malley et al. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999), 3–37. For a more recent succinct historiographical overview see Robert A. Maryks & Jonathan Wright, “Editors’ Preface: Current Trends in Jesuit historiography,” Journal of Jesuit Studies 1, no. 1 (2014): 1–5.

5 On the “cultural turn” see Peter Burke, “Strengths and Weaknesses of Cultural History,” Cultural History 1, no. 1 (2012): 1–13.

6 In Châtellier’s treatment the Jesuits become key actors in societal transformations in early modern Germany and France. See Louis Châtellier, L'Europe des dévots (Paris, Flammarion, 1987), which was subsequently published in English as Louis Châtellier, The Europe of the Devout: The Catholic Reformation and the Formation of a New Society, trans. Jean Birrell (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989). See also his later work Louis Châtellier, La religion des pauvres: Les sources du christianisme modern XVIe–XIXe siècles (Paris: Aubier, 1993) which was translated into English as Louis Châtellier, The Religion of the Poor: Rural Missions in Europe and the Formation of Modern Catholicism, c.1500–c.1800, trans. Brian Pearce (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997).

7 The religious ministry of the German Jesuits in question has not been given its own section because of the impossibility of separating religion from the other themes analyzed. Rather than ignoring the Jesuits’ religious motivations and ministry, this decision is meant to highlight their ubiquity and pervasive significance.

8 Part of the reason that scholarship on early modern “German Jesuits” is so varied is that geographically and politically what entities can be considered as “German” are also varied. Scholars have applied the title of Germany, in the eighteenth century, to the Holy Roman Empire, northern German lands, and parts of Switzerland, Silesia, Croatia, Slovenia, Italy, Moravia, Bohemia, and Alsace. See Albrecht Classen, Early History of the Southwest through the Eyes of German-Speaking Jesuit Missionaries: A Transcultural Experience in the Eighteenth Century (Lanham: Lexington Books, 2013), 86.

9 For one perspective on the promise and peril of digitizing sources in general see Lara Putnam, “The Transnational and the Text-Searchable: Digitized Sources and the Shadows They Cast,” American Historical Review 121, no. 2 (2016): 377–402.

10 Pierre Favre was canonized by Pope Francis in 2013. He was present in German lands at the Diet of Regensburg in 1541 and then returned again in 1542 to Speyer and then Mainz. A German translation of Favre’s diary has been published as Petrus Faber, Memoriale: Das geistliche Tagebuch des ersten Jesuiten in Deutschland, ed. Peter Henrici (Einsiedeln: Johannes Verlag, 1963). Bobadilla and Jay began their ministries in German lands in 1542. See O’Malley, First Jesuits, 273. On Claude Jay see William V. Bangert, Claude Jay and Alfonso Salmerón: Two Early Jesuits (Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1985).

11 O’Malley, First Jesuits, 9. For a treatment of their roles as the first Jesuits in Germany see, Bernhard Duhr, S.J., Geschichte der Jesuiten in den Ländern deutscher Zunge im XVI. Jahrhundert (Freiburg im Breisgau: Herdersche Verlagshandlung, 1907), 1–32.

12 Julius Oswald, S.J., and Rita Haub, “Zeittafel,” in Petrus Canisius – Reformer der Kirche: Festschrift zum 400. Todestag des zweiten Apostels Deutschlands, ed. Julius Oswald, S.J., and Peter Rummel (Augsburg: Sankt Ulrich Verlag, 1996), 304.

13 Duhr, Geschichte der Jesuiten, 66.

14 Oswald and Haub, “Zeittafel,” 304.

15 Duhr, Geschichte der Jesuiten, 66.

16 For a comprehensive bibliography on Canisius see Paul Begheyn, S.J., Gids voor de geschiedenis van de jezuïeten in Nederland, 1540–1850: A Guide to the History of the Jesuits in the Netherlands, 1540–1850 (Nijmegen: Valkhof, 2006), 208–66.

17 Florian Rieß, Der selige Petrus Canisius aus der Gesellschaft Jesu: Aus den Quellen dargestellt (Freiburg im Breisgau: Herder, 1865).

18 James Brodrick, Saint Peter Canisius (London: Sheed and Ward, 1935).

19 Paul Begheyn, S.J., “Canisius Literatur im zwanzigsten Jahrhundert,” in Petrus Canisius – Reformer der Kirche: Festschrift zum 400: Todestag des zweiten Apostels Deutschlands, ed. Julius Oswald, S.J., and Peter Rummel (Augsburg: Sankt Ulrich Verlag, 1996), 287.

20 For a selection of recent secondary literature on Canisius see: Patrizio Foresta, Wie ein Apostel Deutschlands: Apostolat, Obrigkeit und jesuitisches Selbstverständnis am Beispiel des Petrus Canisius (1543–1570) (Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2016); Simone Laqua-O’Donnell, “Family Matters: Peter Canisius as Confessor and Spiritual Guide in Early Modern Augsburg: A Case Study,” Journal of Jesuit Studies 2, no. 4 (2015): 606–23; Oswald and Rummel, Petrus Canisius ; Rainer Berndt, S.J., ed., Petrus Canisius SJ (1521–1597): Humanist und Europäer (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 2000).

21 See for example the following essays by Hilmar M. Pabel, “Peter Canisius and the Protestants: A Model of Ecumenical Dialogue? ” Journal of Jesuit Studies 1, no. 3 (2014): 373–99; “Peter Canisius as a Catholic Editor of a Catholic St. Jerome,” Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte 96 (2005): 171–97; “Augustine’s Confessions and the Autobiographies of Peter Canisius,” Church History and Religious Culture 87 (2007):  453–75; “Peter Canisius and the ‘Truly Catholic’ Augustine,” Theological Studies 71 (2010): 903–25.

22 Otto Braunsberger, ed. Beati Petri Canisii Societatis Iesu epistulae et acta, 8 vols. (Freiburg Brisgoviae 1896–1923). Paul Begheyn offers a fascinating account of Braunsberger’s work in “The Editions of Letters of Saint Peter Canisius by Otto Braunsberger S.J. and the Vicissitudes of Its Ninth Volume,” in Petrus Canisius SJ (1521–1597), ed. Berndt, 303–13.

23 Begheyn, “The Editions of Letters,” 307.

24 Ibid., 306.

25 Peter Canisius, S. Petri Canisii Doctoris Ecclesiae Catechismi Latini et Germanici, ed. Fridericus Streicher (Rome: Pontificia Universitas Gregoriana, 1933–36); Peter Canisius, S. Petri Canisii Doctoris Ecclesiae meditationes seu notae in evangelicas lectiones, ed. Fridericus Streicher (Munich: Officina Salesiana Monachii Bavariae, 1957–1961).

26 For a list of these consult Julius Oswald, S.J., Johannes Baar, S.J., Andrea Wagner-Weli, and Julia Dorn, Bibliographie zur Geschichted – Kunst – Literatur – Naturwissenschaft – Philosophie – Theologie der Gesellschaft Jesu, (accessed September 26, 2016).

27 Much scholarship on the Jesuits in German lands has a specific geographical focus; so, here I will reference some of these studies in relation to the Jesuit provinces in the region. For the Rhine province see Yvonne Bergerfurth, “‘Sodalitäten’ und ‘Gesellschaften’: Jesuitisches Semireligiosentum in Köln,” in Welt-geistliche Frauen in der Frühen Neuzeit, ed. Anne Conrad, et al. (Münster: Aschendorff, 2013), 117–40. For the Upper German Province see Felix Joseph Lipowsky, Geschichte der Jesuiten in Baiern (Munich: Giel, 1816); Walter Brandmüller, ed., Handbuch der Bayerischen Kirchengeschichte, vol. 2 (St. Ottilien: EOS, 1993); Beatrix Ettelt and Karl Batz, eds., Die Jesuiten in Ingolstadt 1549–1773 (Ingolstadt, 1991); Joachim Wild, Die Jesuiten in Bayern 1549–1773 (Konrad, 1991); Walter Ziegler, “Die Rekatholisierung der Oberpfalz,” in Um Glauben und Reich: Kurfürst Maximilian I, ed. Hubert Glaser (Munich, 1980), 436–47. For the Austrian province see Joseph F. Patrouch, A Negotiated Settlement: The Counter-Reformation in Upper Austria under the Habsburgs (Boston: Humanities Press, 2000) and Regina Pörtner, The Counter-Reformation in Central Europe: Styria, 1580–1630 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001).

28 For a study unique to the Lower Rhine Province see Ulrich Brzosa’s study of Catholicism in Düsseldorf, Die Geschichte der katholischen Kirche in Düsseldorf: Von den Anfängen bis zur Säkularisation (Cologne: Böhlau Verlag, 2001), especially 447–67 on the Jesuits in the city.

29 On the Bohemian province see the classic work by Alois Kröss, Geschichte der böhmischen Provinz der Gesellschaft Jesu (Vienna, 1910–27) and the recent study by Paul J. Shore, The Eagle and the Cross: Jesuits in Late Baroque Prague (St. Louis, MO: Institute of Jesuits Sources, 2002).

30 Robert Bireley, The Jesuits and the Thirty Years War: Kings, Courts, and Confessors (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 9. This work marks an example of how sources from Rome are used to uncover the activities of German Jesuits. The study draws from the correspondences of Muzio Vitelleschi (1563–1645), the superior general of the Society of Jesus from 1615 until his death, found in the Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu (ARSI) units for the Provincia Austriae (Austr.) and Provincia Germaniae Superioris (Germ. Sup.).

31 On the Silesian province see Zdzisław Lec, Jezuici we Wrocławiu (1581–1776) (Wrocław: Papieski Fakultet Teologiczny we Wrocławiu, 1995); Dariusz Galewski and Anna Jezierska, eds., Silesia Jesuitica: Kultura i sztuka zakonu jezuitów na Śląsku i w hrabstwie kłodzkim 1580–1776 (Wrocław: Stowarzyszenie Historyków Sztuki, 2012); and Norbert Conrads, ed., Die tolerierte Universität: 300 Jahre Universität Breslau 1702 bis 2002 (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2004).

32 On expansions within the Habsburg empire see Paul Shore, Narratives of Adversity: Jesuits on the Eastern Peripheries of the Habsburg Realms (1640–1773) (New York: Central European University Press, 2012).

33 For a recent study on anti-Jesuit polemics see Michael Niemetz, Antijesuitische Bildpublizistik in der Frühen Neuzeit (Regensburg: Schnell und Steiner, 2008). The Jesuits were also prolific in these debates. Canisius’s involvement in polemics against Protestants has already been mentioned. One printed medium for these debates was pamphlets that can be accessed increasingly online. Gustav Freytag (1816–95) gathered a massive collection of early modern pamphlets in the late nineteenth century. Today early modern pamphlets are increasingly available for viewing online and can be found in digital collections via Brill’s Sixteenth Century Pamphlets Online, the Herzog August Bibliothek (HAB), the Bavarian State Library (BSB), the Munich Digitization Center (MDZ), and Google Books.

34 The formulation of Germany as a “second India” originated from the pre-suppression Jesuits themselves. See Ulrike Strasser, “From ‘German India’ to the Spanish Indies and Back: Jesuit Migrations Abroad and Their Effects at Home,” Chloe 46 (2012): 91–109, at 96.

35 In 1562, German Jesuits were not allowed on the foreign mission field because of the perceived need for missionaries in Germany. See Luke Clossey, Salvation and Globalization in the Early Jesuit Missions (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 136–37.

36 The notion that Jesuits were part of a monolithic Catholicism that was responsive to Protestantism and combative towards it was built into the foundations of the modern historical discipline by Leopold von Ranke in his work, Die römischen Päpste: Ihre Kirche und ihr Staat im sechzehnten und siebzehnten Jahrhundert, 3 vols. (Berlin: Duncker und Humblot, 1834–36).

37 Maryks “Foreword,” in O’Malley, Saints or Devils Incarnate?, xii.

38 “Counter Reformation” is now seen as an aspect of early modern Catholicism, not the church in its entirety, John W. O’Malley, Trent and All That: Renaming Catholicism in the Early Modern Era (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2000), 126–30.

39 Wolfgang Reinhard, “Gegenreformation als Modernisierung?: Prolegomena einer Theorie des konfessionellen Zeitalters,” Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte 68 (1977): 226–51; and Reinhard, “Reformation, Counter-Reformation, and the Early Modern State: A Reassessment,” Catholic Historical Review 75, no. 3 (July 1989): 383–404.

40 Reinhard, “Reformation, Counter-Reformation,” 384; O’Malley, Trent and All That, 110–13.

41 Reinhard catalogued his own list of “modern” features of the Jesuit order including the Spiritual Exercises and the economic administration of their colleges, “Reformation, Counter-Reformation,” 387–88.

42 See his three works: Marc R. Forster, The Counter-Reformation in the Villages: Religion and Reform in the Bishopric of Speyer, 1560–1720 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1992); Forster, Catholic Revival in the Age of the Baroque: Religious Identity in Southwest Germany, 1550–1750 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001); and Forster, Catholic Germany from the Reformation to the Enlightenment (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007). Forster’s research also highlights the situation concerning primary sources for tracing Jesuit ministry in local German settings. For The Counter-Reformation in the Villages Forster surveyed a range of types of sources including court records, Cathedral Chapter minutes, and visitation records which he accessed locally at regional archives such as the Landesarchiv Speyer (LASP) and the Generallandesarchiv Karlsruhe (GLAK). In Catholic Revival in the Age of the Baroque, Forster draws from an even broader range of regional and ecclesiastical archives including the Erzbischöfliches Archiv Freiburg (EAF), the Hauptstaatsarchiv Stuttgart (HStASt.), and the Tiroler Landesarchiv Innsbruck (TLA). Forster’s work is offered here as an example because space does not permit me to list every local archive used in the numerous secondary studies found in these footnotes. These works can be consulted directly for information about the archival sources utilized in their production.

43 Robert Bireley, The Jesuits and the Thirty Years War: Kings, Courts, and Confessors (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 9; Bireley, Maximilian von Bayern, Adam Contzen SJ und die Gegenreformation in Deutschland 1624–1635 (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1975); Bireley, Religion and Politics in the Age of the Counterreformation: Emperor Ferdinand II, William Lamormaini, S. J., and the Formation of Imperial Policy (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1981); and Bireley, Ferdinand II, Counter-Reformation Emperor, 1578–1637 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014).

44 Harro Höpfl, for instance, highlights the Jesuits’ support of obedience to princely authority, Jesuit Political Thought: The Society of Jesus and the State, c. 1540–1630 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004).

45 Bireley, The Jesuits and the Thirty Years War, 267–70.

46 Jeffrey D. Burson, and Jonathan Wright, eds., T he Jesuit Suppression in Global Context (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015).

47 For a case study of a group of German Jesuits banished from the Spanish frontier in Northwest Mexico see Sky Michael Johnston, “‘What is California? Nothing but Innumerable Stones’: German Jesuits, Salvation, and Landscape Building in the California Missions,” Journal of Jesuit Studies 2, no.1 (2015): 36–55.

48 For a sampling of studies on the suppression in local German contexts see Paul Shore, “The Suppression of the Society of Jesus in Bohemia,” Archivum historicum Societatis Iesu 65 (1996): 138–56; Winfried Müller, “Die Aufhebung des Jesuitenordens in Bayern: Vorgeschichte, Durchführung, administrative Bewältigung,” Zeitschrift für bayerische Landesgeschichte 48 (1985): 285–352; Ferdinand Huag, “Die Aufhebung des Jesuitenordens in der Pfalz und ihre Folgen,” Mannheimer Geschichtsblätter 10 (1909): 171–80.

49 For a brief, current overview of the suppression throughout German-speaking lands see Klaus Schatz, Geschichte der deutschen Jesuiten (1814–1983) (Münster: Aschendorff, 2013), 1:8–18.

50 On Maria Theresa’s relationship with the Jesuits see Romeo de Maio, “Maria Teresa e i gesuiti,” Rivista storica italiana 94 (1982): 435–54. Jesuits in German lands had a tradition of building relationships with powerful women from as early as Canisius’s arrival in Augsburg in 1559. See Simone Laqua-O’Donnell, “Family Matters: Peter Canisius as Confessor and Spiritual Guide,” Journal of Jesuit Studies 2, no. 4 (2015): 606–23.

51 Jonathan Wright, “The Suppression and Restoration,” in The Cambridge Companion to the Jesuits, ed. Thomas Worcester (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 272.

52 For a good compilation of his studies see Derek Beales, Enlightenment and Reform in Eighteenth-Century Europe (New York: I. B. Tauris, 2005), especially “Maria Theresa, Joseph II and the Suppression of the Jesuits,” 207–26.

53 Derek Beales, “Introduction,” in Enlightenment and Reform in Eighteenth-Century Europe (New York: I. B. Tauris, 2005), 3.

54 Bernhard Duhr, “Teufelsmystik und Hexenprozesse,” in Geschichte der Jesuiten in den Ländern deutscher Zunge im XVI. Jahrhundert (Freiburg im Breisgau: Herdersche Verlagshandlung, 1907), 731–54; “Für und gegen die Hexenprozesse,” in Geschichte der Jesuiten in den Ländern deutscher Zunge, Part 2: Geschichte der Jesuiten in den Ländern deutscher Zunge in der ersten hälfte des XVII. Jahrhunderts (Freiburg im Breisgau: Herdersche Verlagshandlung, 1913), 481–533; “Besessenheit und Hexenwahn,” in Geschichte der Jesuiten in den Ländern deutscher Zunge: Dritter Band, Geschichte der Jesuiten in den Ländern deutscher Zunge in der zweiten hälfte des XVII. Jahrhunderts (Munich-Regensburg: G. J. Manz, 1921), 751–78; and “Neue Hexenbrände,” in Geschichte der Jesuiten in den Ländern deutscher Zunge: Vierter Band, Geschichte der Jesuiten in den Ländern deutscher Zunge im 18. Jahrhundert. Part 2 (Munich-Regensburg: G. J. Manz, 1928), 313–20.

55 This work was originally published anonymously in 1631. For an English translation see Cautio criminalis, or a Book on Witch Trials, trans. Marcus Hellyer (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2003).

56 For a sampling see, Joachim-Friedrich Ritter, Friedrich von Spee, 1591–1635: Ein Edelmann, Mahner und Dichter (Trier: Spee-Verlag, 1977); Michele Battafarano, ed., Friedrich von Spee: Dichter, Theologe und Bekämpfer der Hexenprozesse (Trent: Luigi Reverdito, 1988); Walter Nigg, Friedrich von Spee: Ein Jesuit Kämpft gegen den Hexenwahn (Paderborn: Bonifatius, 1991).

57 He does receive mention in the important English work on witch hunts in Germany by Lyndal Roper, Witch Craze: Terror and Fantasy in Baroque Germany (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2004), 65–66; see also, Ronald Modras, “A Jesuit in the Crucible: Friedrich Spee and the Witchcraft Hysteria in Seventeenth-Century Germany,” Studies in the Spirituality of Jesuits 35, no. 4 (September 2003): 1–46.

58 On the historiography of Jesuits being included in new narratives of early modern science see, Sheila J. Rabin, “Early Modern Jesuit Science: A Historiographical Essay,” Journal of Jesuit Studies 1, no. 1 (2014): 88–104.

59 For a good overview of these new trends see, Pamela H. Smith, “Science on the Move: Recent Trends in the History of Early Modern Science,” Renaissance Quarterly 72 (2009): 345–75.

60 Peter Dear, “Historiography of Not-So-Recent Science,” History of Science 50 (2012): 197–211, at 207.

61 Peter Dear, “What Is the History of Science the History of? Early Modern Roots of the Ideology of Modern Science,” Isis 96, no. 3 (September 2005): 390–406.

62 For the historiography of Jesuit schools throughout Europe see Paul F. Grendler, “Jesuit Schools in Europe: A Historiographical Essay,” Journal of Jesuit Studies 1, no. 1 (2014): 7–25. For a study of the Jesuit education young Germans received in Rome see, Peter Schmidt, Das Collegium Germanicum in Rom und die Germaniker: Zur Funktion eines römischen Ausländerseminars (1552–1914) (Tübingen: M. Niemeyer, 1984).

63 Karl Hengst, Jesuiten an Universitäten und Jesuitenuniversitäten: Zur Geschichte der Universitäten in der Oberdeutschen und Rheinischen Provinz der Gesellschaft Jesu im Zeitalter der konfessionellen Auseinandersetzung (Paderborn: Ferdinand Schöningh, 1981).

64 Bireley, Jesuits and the Thirty Years War, 7.

65 Grendler, “Jesuit Schools,” 17; Andreas Kraus, Das Gymnasium der Jesuiten zu München (1557–1773): Staatspolitische, sozialgeschichtliche, behördengeschichtliche und kulturgeschichtliche Bedeutung (Munich: Beck, 2001).

66 Susan Spruell Mobley, “The Jesuits at the University of Ingolstadt,” in The Mercurian Project: Forming Jesuit Culture (1573–1580), ed. Thomas M. McCoog, S.J. (St. Louis, MO: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 2004), 213–48.

67 For a sampling of the range of types of studies see, Johannes Baumann, “Ingolstadt: Das Erste Kolleg der Oberdeutschen Provinz, von Ignatius persönlich noch begründet,” Sammelblatt des Historischen Vereins Ingolstadt 105 (1996): 107–37; Rainer A. Müller, “The Colleges of the ‘Societas Jesu’ in the German Empire,” in I collegi universitari in Europa tra il XIV e il XVIII secolo (Milan: Giuffre Editore, 1991): 173–84; Albert Krayer, Mathematik im Studienplan der Jesuiten: Die Vorlesung von Otto Cattenius an der Universität Mainz (1610/11) (Stuttgart: F. Steiner, 1991). The vast archival records for these institutions of learning are primarily held locally throughout Europe near where the schools existed and can be identified by consulting the existing secondary literature for a given region or institution.

68 Many of Kircher’s published works can now be accessed online through the HAB and MDZ. Many of his unpublished correspondences are held at the Historical Archives of the Pontifical Gregorian University in Rome. In North America, Stanford University has become a center for study of Kircher with projects that include making his correspondences available online.

69 Celebrated astronomer, mathematician, and natural philosopher Christoph Clavius (1538–1612) who was born and spent his childhood in Bamberg, Germany had also made the journey from Germany to Rome.

70 For a good introduction to Kircher see, Paula Findlen, ed., Athanasius Kircher: The Last Man Who Knew Everything (New York: Routledge, 2004). Several other important studies of Kircher have also been written in the past ten years: John Edward Fletcher, A Study of the Life and Works of Athanasius Kircher: “Germanus Incredibilis”; With a Selection of His Unpublished Correspondence and an Annotated Translation of His Autobiography (Leiden: Brill, 2011); Harald Siebert, Die große kosmologische Kontroverse: Rekonstruktionsversuche anhand des Itinerarium exstaticum von Athanasius Kircher SJ (1602–1680) (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2006); Daniel Stolzenberg, Egyptian Oedipus: Athanasius Kircher and the Secrets of Antiquity (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2013).

71 Rabin, “Jesuit Science,” 89.

72 Marcus Hellyer, The last of the Aristotelians: The Transformation of Jesuit Physics in Germany (unpublished PhD diss., University of California, San Diego, 1998); Mordechai Feingold, ed., The New Science and Jesuit Science: Seventeenth-Century Perspectives (Boston: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 2003); Mordechai Feingold, ed., Jesuit Science and the Republic of Letters (Cambridge: The MIT Press, 2003).

73 Marcus Hellyer, Catholic Physics: Jesuit Natural Philosophy in Early Modern Germany (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press: 2005).

74 Krayer, Mathematik im Studienplan.

75 For example, Eusebio Kino, S.J., (1645–1711) who studied at the University of Ingolstadt utilized his knowledge of astronomy, mathematics, and cosmography in his pioneering exploration of Northwest Colonial Mexico.

76 Brandon C. Look and Donald Rutherford, eds. The Leibniz-Des Bosses Correspondence (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2007).

77 On the historiography of Jesuits and philosophy see Stephen Schloesser, “Recent Works in Jesuit Philosophy: Vicissitudes of Rhetorical Accommodations,” Journal of Jesuit Studies 1, no. 1 (2014): 105–26.

78 T. Frank Kennedy, “Candide and a Boat,” in The Jesuits: Cultures, Sciences, and the Arts, ed. John W. O’Malley (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999), 317–32.

79 David Sorkin, The Religious Enlightenment: Protestants, Jews, and Catholics from London to Vienna (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2008); Michael Printy, Enlightenment and the Creation of German Catholicism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009); Beales, Enlightenment and Reform.

80 Jeffrey Chipps Smith, Sensuous Worship: Jesuits and the Art of the Early Catholic Reformation in Germany (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2002).

81 For another example of this see Evonne Levy, “Early Modern Jesuit Arts and Jesuit Visual Culture: A View from the Twenty First Century,” Journal of Jesuit Studies 1, no. 1 (2014): 66–87.

82 How art is experienced bodily has itself become a topic of research in fields related to art history. See for instance Pamela H. Smith, The Body of the Artisan: Art and Experience in the Scientific Revolution (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004).

83 Joseph Braun, Die Kirchenbauten der Deutschen Jesuiten: Ein Beitrag zur Kultur- und Kunstgeschichte des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts (Freiburg: Herder, 1908).

84 Willi Flemming, Geschichte des Jesuitentheaters in den Landen deutscher Zunge (Berlin: Selbstverlag der Gesellschaft für Theatergeschichte, 1923); Johannes Müller, Das Jesuitendrama in den Ländern deutscher Zunge: Vom Anfang (1555) bis zum Hochbarock (1665), 2 vols. (Augsburg: Filser, 1930).

85 For merely an introduction to this literature see Elida Maria Szarota, Geschichte, Politik, und Gesellschaft im Drama des 17. Jahrhunderts (Bern: Francke, 1976); Richard Brinkmann et al., eds., Theatrum Europaeum: Festschrift für Elida Maria Szarota (Munich: W. Fink, 1982); Jean Marie Valentin, Theatrum catholicum: Les jésuites et la scène en Allemagne au XVIe et au XIIe siècles (Nancy: Presses Universitaires, 1990); Ruprecht Wimmer, “Die Bühne als Kanzel: Das Jesuitentheater des 16. Jahrhunderts,” Das 16. Jahrhundert: Europäische Renaissance, ed. Hildegard Kuester (Regensberg: F. Pustet, 1995).

86 Fidel Rädle, “Jesuit Theatre in Germany, Austria and Switzerland,” in Neo-Latin Drama and Theatre in Early Modern Europe, ed. Jan Bloemendal and Howard B. Norland (Leiden: Brill, 2013), 185–292.

87 Rädle, “Jesuit Theatre,” 218.

88 Another historically important figure in Jesuit theater is Jacob Pontanus (1542–1626).

89 Anthony Mahler, “The Acute Gaze of Argos: Enargeia as Sinful Vision and Psychagogic Technique in Biedermann’s Cenodoxus,” in Visual Acuity and the Arts of Communication in Early Modern Germany, ed. Jeffrey Chipps Smith (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2014), 143.

90 Günter Hess, “Spectator – Lector – Actor: Zum Publikum von Jacob Bidermanns Cenodoxus,” Internationales Archiv für Sozialgeschichte der deutschen Literatur 1 (1976): 30–106; Carl Max Haas, Das Theater der Jesuiten in Ingolstadt: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des geistlichen Theaters in Süddeutschland (Emsdetten: Lechte, 1958).

91 Ruprecht Wimmer and Adrian Hsia, eds., Mission und Theater: China und Japan auf den deutschen Bühnen der Gesellschaft Jesu (Regensburg: Schnell und Steiner, 2005).

92 Alexander J. Fisher, Music, Piety, and Propaganda: The Soundscapes of Counter-Reformation Bavaria (New York: Oxford University Press, 2013).

93 For an introduction see, T. Frank Kennedy, “Music and Jesuits: Historiography, and a Global Perspective,” Journal of Jesuit Studies 3, no. 3 (2016) 365–76; Andrew H. Weaver, Sacred Music as Public Image for Holy Roman Emperor Ferdinand III: Representing the Counter-Reformation Monarch at the End of the Thirty Years’ War (Burlington: Ashgate Publishing, 2012); Alexander J. Fisher, “Music and the Jesuit ‘Way of Proceeding’ in the German Counter-Reformation,” Journal of Jesuit Studies 3, no. 3 (2016): 377–97.

94 For an overview of scholarship on Jesuit poetry see, Yasmin Haskell, “The Vineyard of Verse: The State of Scholarship on Latin Poetry of the Old Society of Jesus,” Journal of Jesuit Studies 1, no. 1 (2014): 26–46. For other works on German Jesuit literature see, Guillaume van Gemert, “Vom Aristarchus zur Jesuiten-Poesie: Zum dynamischen Wechselbezug von Latein und Landessprache in den deutschen Landen in der Frühen Neuzeit / From Aristarch to Jesuit Poetry: The Shifting Interrelation between Latin and the Vernacular in the German Lands in Early Modern Times,” in Bilingual Europe: Latin and Vernacular Cultures; Examples of Bilingualism and Multilingualism c. 1300–1800, ed. Jan Bloemendal (Leiden: Brill, 2015), 118–43; Dieter Breuer, Oberdeutsche Literatur 1565–1650: Deutsche Literaturgeschichte und Territorialgeschichte in frühabsolutistischer Zeit (Munich: C. H. Beck Verlag, 1979); Katharina Kagerer, Jacob Balde und die bayerische Historiographie unter Kurfürst Maximilian I.: Ein Kommentar zur Traum-Ode (Silvae 7,15) und zur Interpretatio somnii (Munich: Herbert Utz Verlag, 2014).

95 An excellent place to start is the recent collection of twenty-five years of studies on the subject by G. Richard Dimler, Studies in the Jesuit Emblem (New York: AMS Press, 2007). For an even more recent essay see, Ewelina Drzewiecka, “Na pograniczu kultur: Emblematyka i antyk jako główne pierwiastki konstruujące hybrydyczne XVII-wieczne dzieło Sphinx Samosonica…,” Terminus 14, no. 25 (2012): 191–217.

96 On of this development see, Patrick Manning, Navigating World History: Historians Create a Global Past (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003); on the application of the global turn to religious history see Karin Vélez, Sebastian R. Prange, and Luke Clossey, “Religious Ideas in Motion,” in A Companion to World History, ed. Douglas Northrop (Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2012), 352–64.

97 Simon Ditchfield, “Decentering the Catholic Reformation: Papacy and Peoples in the Early Modern World,” Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte/Archive for Reformation History 101 (2010): 186–208; J. Michelle Molina, To Overcome Oneself: The Jesuit Ethic and Spirit of Global Expansion, 1520–1767 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2013); Markus Friedrich, Der lange Arm Roms?: Globale Verwaltung und Kommunikation im Jesuitenorden 1540–1773 (Frankfurt a. M.: Campus, 2011).

98 See Anton Huonder, Deutsche Jesuitenmissionäre des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts: Ein Beitrag zur Missionsgeschichte und zur deutschen Biographie (Freiburg, 1899); Bernhard Duhr, Deutsche Auslandsehnsucht im achtzehnten Jahrhundert: Aus der überseeischen Missionsarbeit deutscher Jesuiten (Stuttgart, 1928). For a critique of the nationalism and civilizing ethos in these works see Galaxis Borja González and Ulrike Strasser, “The German Circumnavigation of the World: Missionary Writing and Colonial Identity Formation in Joseph Stöcklein’s Neue Welt-Bott,” in Reporting Christian Missions, ed. Markus Friedrich and Alexander Schunka (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, forthcoming).

99 Ronnie Po-chia Hsia, “Jesuit Foreign Missions: A Historiographical Essay,” Journal of Jesuit Studies 1, no. 1 (2014): 47–65, at 57. See also Hsia, “The Catholic Historical Review: One Hundred Years of Scholarship on Catholic Missions in the Early Modern World,” The Catholic Historical Review 101, no. 2 (Centennial Issue 2015): 223–41; Simon Ditchfield, “Of Missions and Models: The Jesuit Enterprise (1540–1773) Reassessed in Recent Literature,” Catholic Historical Review 93, no. 2 (April 2007): 325–43.

100 Clossey, Salvation and Globalization, 141–45.

101 Johannes Meier and Fernando Amado Aymoré, Jesuiten aus Zentraleuropa in Portugiesisch- und Spanisch-Amerika: Ein bio-bibliographisches Handbuch mit einem Überblick über das außereuropäische Wirken der Gesellschaft Jesu in der frühen Neuzeit. Band 1: Brasilien (1618–1760) (Münster: Aschendorff Verlag, 2005); Johannes Meier and Michael Müller, Jesuiten aus Zentraleuropa in Portugiesisch- und Spanisch-Amerika: Ein bio-bibliographisches Handbuch mit einem Überblick über das außereuropäische Wirken der Gesellschaft Jesu in der frühen Neuzeit. Band 2: Chile (1618–1771) (Münster: Aschendorff Verlag, 2011); Johannes Meier and Christoph Nebgen, Jesuiten aus Zentraleuropa in Portugiesisch- und Spanisch-Amerika: Ein bio-bibliographisches Handbuch mit einem Überblick über das außereuropäische Wirken der Gesellschaft Jesu in der frühen Neuzeit. Band 3: Neugranada (1618–1771) (Münster: Aschendorff Verlag, 2005); Bernd Hausberger, Jesuiten aus Mitteleuropa im kolonialen Mexiko: Eine Bio-Bibliographie (Munich: R. Oldenbourg, 1995).

102 Bernd Hausberger, Für Gott und König: Die Mission der Jesuiten im kolonialen Mexiko (Munich: R. Oldenbourg, 2000). For similar studies see Albrecht Classen, Early History of the Southwest through the Eyes of German-Speaking Jesuit Missionaries: A Transcultural Experience in the Eighteenth Century (New York: Lexington Books, 2013); Fernando Amado Aymoré, Die Jesuiten im kolonialen Brasilien: Katechese als Kulturpolitik und Gesellschaftphänomen (1549–1760) (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2009).

103 Uwe Glüsenkamp, Das Schicksal der Jesuiten aus der oberdeutschen und den beiden rheinischen Ordensprovinzen nach ihrer Vertreibung aus den Missionsgebieten des portugiesischen und spanischen Patronats (1755–1809) (Münster: Aschendorff, 2008); Christoph Nebgen, Missionarsberufungen nach Übersee in drei Deutschen Provinzen der Gesellschaft Jesu im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert (Regensburg: Schnell und Steiner, 2007); Trevor Johnson, “Blood, Tears, and Xavier Water: Jesuit Missionaries and Popular Religion in the Eighteenth-Century Upper Palatinate,” in Popular Religion in Germany and Central Europe, 1400–1800, ed. Robert W. Scribner and Trevor Johnson (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1996), 183–202.

104 For a couple of examples see, Jacob Baegert who corresponded from his mission field in Baja California with his brother, a Jesuit priest in Germany, Jacob Baegert, The Letters of Jacob Baegert, 1749–1761: Jesuit Missionary in Baja California, trans. Elsbeth Schulz-Bischof (Los Angeles: Dawson’s Book Shop, 1982); and Raymond H. Thompson, ed., A Jesuit Missionary in Eighteenth-Century Sonora: The Family Correspondence of Philipp Segesser (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2014).

105 Franz Inama, “Letter of Reverend Father Franz Inama, S.J., Missionary in California, from the Austrian Province to his Reverend Sister, a Carmelite in Cologne on the Rhine, written from Mission San José, on October 14, 1755,” in Ducrue’s Account of the Expulsion of the Jesuits from Lower California (1767–1769), trans. and ed. Ernest J. Burrus (St. Louis, MO: Jesuit Historical Institute, 1967), 152.

106 Ulrike Strasser, “Copies with Souls: The Late Seventeenth-Century Marianas Martyrs, Francis Xavier, and the Questions of Clerical Reproduction,” Journal of Jesuit Studies 2, no. 4 (2015): 558–85.

107 Galaxis Borja González, Die jesuitische Berichterstattung über die Neue Welt: Zur Veröffentlichungs-, Verbreitungs- und Rezeptionsgeschichte jesuitischer Americana auf dem deutschen Buchmarkt im Zeitalter der Aufklärung (Mainz: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2011); Steven J. Harris “Confession-Building, Long-Distance Networks, and the Organization of Jesuit Science,” Early Science and Medicine 1, no. 3 (1996): 287–318; Christine R. Johnson, The German Discovery of the World (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2008).

108 See for instance, Johann Jakob Baegert, S.J., “Appendix Two: False Reports about the Missionaries in California,” in Observations in Lower California, trans. M. M. Brandenburg and Carl L. Baumann (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979), 187–99.

109 There is still room in the secondary literature on this subject to include more German Jesuit voices which have received nothing near the attention of Spanish missionary José de Acosta (1539–1600) for instance.

110 I would like to thank Galaxis Borja González and Ulrike Strasser for allowing me to consult their forthcoming publication that sheds light on this fascinating, but largely overlooked source full of information about German production of colonial knowledge, “The German Circumnavigation of the World: Missionary Writing and Colonial Identity Formation in Joseph Stöcklein’s Neue Welt-Bott,” in Reporting Christian Missions, ed. Markus Friedrich and Alexander Schunka (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, forthcoming).

111 Clossey, Salvation, 7–8.

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