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Sign upPodcast: 'In Chains' Episode 3
In the third episode of our new themed series In Chains, we speak with Dr. Alexis Aronowitz from University College Utrecht, Utrecht, The Netherlands, who is the author of the article, “Regulating business involvement in labor exploitation and human trafficking” published in Journal of Labor and Society.
Brill Publishes Two New Book Series in the Social Sciences
Brill is pleased to announce the addition of two new peer-reviewed book series to its Social Sciences publishing program: International Studies in Maritime Sociology and Studies in Political Economy of Global Labor and Work. The series will be published online and in print.
Brill adds Two New Journals to Its Social Sciences Publishing Program
Two journals, the Journal of Labor and Society (JLSO) and Protest, have been added to Brill’s expanding publishing program in the Social Sciences. Both journals will be published online and in print. Previous volumes of JLSO are already available on Brill’s website, the first issues of Protest are planned for publication in 2021.
The first half of the year was marked by a focus on translating the previous year's high-level commitments into practice, making for a feeling of ‘business as usual,’ and planning for stock-taking events on international commitments such as the conference on financing for development in Doha in November. International attention, however, shifted substantially in the second half of the year, with the focus on the US presidential elections and the rapid unfolding of and early attempts to contain the financial and economic crisis in autumn, all of which have potential implications for African-European relations. During the G8 summit in the Japanese town of Toyako, Hokkaido (7–9 July), the financial crisis was already looming, but heads of state still expressed optimism about addressing the global rise in food and oil prices. Africa featured fairly prominently on the agenda, yet few tangible results could be reported other than increased activity by donors in programmes for rural development, a sector ‘rediscovered’ after years of declining donor funding to it. The use of genetically manipulated crops as a possible answer to the global food crisis remained controversial.
The first regular elections in 16 years were the most momentous political event of the year and brought about a massive win for the party in power, the MPLA (‘Movimento Popular para a Libertação de Angola’). Since the end of the civil war in 2002, President José Eduardo dos Santos and his entourage have tightened their grip on power and the resources of the country, with very little improvement in the living conditions of the majority of the people. The confirmation of his rule through democratic elections is thus only the last step in the consolidation process of Angola's singular power structure, centred on the presidency and the dominant party, which aims to improve the government's international standing.
President Yayi Boni's policy of ‘change’ encountered serious resistance. He faced growing opposition in the National Assembly, in which his coalition lost its majority when members of parliament joined opposing factions. The results of the local elections showed the declining popularity of Yayi and his coalition. Yayi's government was accused of violating democratic rules and frustrating the proper functioning of national bodies such as the ‘Commission Electorale Nationale Autonome’ (CENA) and the ‘Haute Autorité de l'Audiovisuel et de la Communication’ (HAAC). The politicking between opposition and government paralysed the functioning of the National Assembly. The country's foreign affairs were marked by a visit by US President Bush, the first visit ever by an American head of state. Benin also hosted the CEN-SAD summit and an APRM meeting. Socioeconomic developments were dominated by the high food and fuel prices, which led to some demonstrations in Cotonou. Cotton exports increased.
Despite a transfer of power to a new head of government, Botswana continued to enjoy political stability. The handing over of the presidency from President Mogae to Ian Khama went smoothly, while the opposition remained divided. Unlike his predecessor, Khama showed little patience with the turmoil in Zimbabwe. While diamond production remained the engine of economic growth, HIV/AIDS continued to threaten socioeconomic development.
External economic shocks that boosted the rising costs of living led to public unrest. The government, in which President Blaise Compaoré remained the most powerful figure, reacted with short-term accommodation measures, while political parties struggled more with internal strife than with policy proposals. The channelling of political claims was primarily organised by civil society. Meanwhile, President Compaoré consolidated his sub-regional diplomatic standing, particularly with his mediation in Côte d'Ivoire.
The year was marked by initial deadlock followed by clear but slow progress in the peace process with the ‘Parti pour la Libération du Peuple Hutu-Forces Nationales de Libération’ (Palipehutu-FNL) rebel movement. The rebel leadership returned to Bujumbura in May. To put an end to an institutional stalemate in the National Assembly, 22 dissident former ‘Conseil National pour la Défense de la Démocratie-Forces pour la Défense de la Démocratie’ (CNDD-FDD) MPs were expelled and replaced by party loyalists. The UN Security Council extended the mandate of the UN Integrated Office in Burundi (BINUB) until 31 December 2009. GDP growth rose to 4.5%, while inflation peaked at around 22%. Donors and the IMF were moderately satisfied with the implementation of PRSP policies.
Violence erupted at the beginning of the year as a result of both economic and political grievances, rocking a country usually described as the most peaceful in Central Africa. After a bout of harsh repression and a number of economic measures meant to improve the purchasing power of Cameroonians, the National Assembly eventually approved the controversial constitutional amendment removing the two-term limit on the presidency. This move occurred during a year also marked by tense relations with some neighbouring countries. Attacks on Cameroonian troops, especially in the Bakassi peninsula, which was eventually transferred from Nigerian control, repeatedly threatened the country's security.
In the municipal elections in May, the opposition ‘Movimento para a Democracia’ (MpD) defeated the ruling ‘Partido Africano da Independência de Cabo Verde’ (PAICV). The defeat prompted Prime Minister José Maria Neves to reshuffle his government to give it a new image. At the end of the year, after being affected by rising fuel and food prices, the country experienced the first consequences of the global economic crisis.
After a spectacular attempt by a rebel coalition to capture Chad's capital N'Djaména by force in February, there was a relative decrease of violent encounters in this country and in the neighbouring Central African Republic (CAR). However, the upsurge in violent combat between renegade General Nkunda and the official security forces in eastern DR Congo meant that this was not at all a peaceful year for the sub-region. Economically, 2008 was a reasonably good year at the macro-level for the whole of Central Africa, with only Chad lagging behind. Yet the cost of living increased dramatically in the first months practically everywhere. Politically, most countries experienced no major change: the long-term presidents in most countries adapted their strategies to hold on to power, as did the relative newcomers in CAR and DR Congo.
Formal progress in the peace process, leading to a ‘global peace agreement’ amid continued insecurity and culminating in the organisation of an important elite gathering, the ‘inclusive political dialogue’, characterised the calendar year. The sub-regional peacekeeping mission changed its organisational basis from CEMAC to CEEAC and a European military mission was deployed in the east.