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Sign upPodcast: 'In Chains' Episode 3
In the third episode of our new themed series In Chains, we speak with Dr. Alexis Aronowitz from University College Utrecht, Utrecht, The Netherlands, who is the author of the article, “Regulating business involvement in labor exploitation and human trafficking” published in Journal of Labor and Society.
Brill Publishes Two New Book Series in the Social Sciences
Brill is pleased to announce the addition of two new peer-reviewed book series to its Social Sciences publishing program: International Studies in Maritime Sociology and Studies in Political Economy of Global Labor and Work. The series will be published online and in print.
Brill adds Two New Journals to Its Social Sciences Publishing Program
Two journals, the Journal of Labor and Society (JLSO) and Protest, have been added to Brill’s expanding publishing program in the Social Sciences. Both journals will be published online and in print. Previous volumes of JLSO are already available on Brill’s website, the first issues of Protest are planned for publication in 2021.
After many public discussions about European policy towards Africa in 2005, on the agenda in 2006 was the defining of activities and implementing promises, for instance at the meeting of European NGOs towards the end of the Austrian presidency of the EU in the first half of the year (22–23 June). It remained unclear, however, what impact the EU strategy – intended alike for the common programmes of the Commission towards Africa and for bilateral relations between EU member states and that continent – will have at the national level within Europe.
There was little change in the year as the government consolidated its framework for the future, particularly its own continuation in power, and there was little sign of the promised decentralisation. Increasing elite confidence was shown in the cavalier stance on elections, now postponed until 2008 and 2009, six years after the end of the civil war.
The political year was dominated by the presidential election, the fourth since the beginning of the new democratic regime in 1990. The peaceful and free electoral process reinforced the pluralism of political life and the stability of the regime. The success of Yayi Boni, a newcomer who had never been involved in politics, symptomised a widespread desire for change. It also saw the renewal of political actors, a new will to fight against impunity for people suspected of embezzlement and a diplomatic activism involving presidential visits to several countries. Benin continued to face economic difficulties as well as increasingly pronounced social inequalities.
Celebrating its 40th anniversary of independence, Botswana continued to enjoy political stability. While the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) – in power for all the 40 years – seemed to come to grips with factional strife, efforts to establish a formal agreement for opposition unity collapsed. The high court ruled the controversial relocation of the San from the Central Kalahari Game Reserve (CKGR) unconstitutional. Diamond production remained the engine of economic growth and the government signed a historic deal with the multinational De Beers allowing Botswana a greater share in the conglomerate. Notwithstanding numerous initiatives, HIV/AIDS continued to threaten socioeconomic development.
Well-organised local elections and an impressive diplomatic profile in the sub-region combined with periods of strong civilian discontent and violent incidents involving sections of the military and the police. This situation pointed to social undercurrents in what, on the surface, appeared to be a neatly organised society. At the economic level, positive assessments of the country's economic performance both by the regime and multilateral organisations contrasted with social protests and the negative perceptions of ordinary people. President Compaoré's position could thus be weaker than the results of this year's municipal elections suggested.
Burundi's new government led by the ‘Conseil National pour la Défense de la Démocratie-Forces pour la Défense de la Démocratie’ (CNDD-FDD) was faced with a Sisyphean task in 2006, namely reconstructing a country whose physical, economic and social infrastructure had been destroyed by 12 years of civil war, with limited resources and against a backdrop of ongoing conflict with the last remaining rebel movement, the ‘Parti pour la libération de Hutu-Forces Nationales de Libération’ (Palipehutu-FNL). In the post-transition period, however, the country's democratisation process was marred by political gaffes and abuses by the new government and the ruling party, raising fears of a reversal towards authoritarianism. The erstwhile rebel movement often governed in a high-handed and populist manner, coming under fire from the media, civil society and the opposition. The regime's authoritarian drift and high levels of corruption were also a source of friction with the international community.
The year 2006 was marked by two landmark events. First, there was the country's attainment of the completion point under the enhanced Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) debt-relief initiative. One of its immediate consequences was the heightening of expectations among ordinary Cameroonians of a rapid end to their precarious living conditions, which the government felt obliged to dampen. Second, there was the achievement of an equitable agreement with Nigeria on the modalities of Nigerian withdrawal from the Bakassi peninsula, in accordance with the October 2002 International Court of Justice (ICJ) verdict.
Prime Minister José Maria Neves was confirmed in office when the ruling ‘Partido Africano de Independência de Cabo Verde’ (PAICV) won an absolute majority in the legislative elections in January. In March, President Pedro Pires (PAICV) was re-elected for a second term. Economic growth, driven by private and public investments, continued and the country succeeded in attracting further inflows of both development aid and private foreign investment.
The sub-region was arguably still the most unstable part of the continent, particularly when taking into account the spill-over effects of the Darfur crisis on Chad and the Central African Republic (CAR). Major new outbreaks of older armed conflicts in both Chad and CAR counterbalanced the positive developments in DR Congo, while widespread violence continued throughout different zones of the biggest country of the sub-region. The growing interest in Africa's mineral resources also had an impact in Central Africa, where major oil and gas deposits are located. Visits by Chinese officials confirmed this growing interest and were welcomed by national governments. However, only a few countries could yet claim steady economic growth.
Some major reform steps by Prime Minister Elie Doté's government secured the award of a much-needed PRGF with the IMF in December. This could not immediately benefit the population, which has suffered through ten years of instability and insecurity. The entire northern part of the country was not safe from incursions by rebel groups and indiscriminate counter-attacks by government forces. In October, the outright capture by rebel groups of the provincial capital of Birao in the northeast sent a strong signal to Bangui. Security concerns dominated public debate during the year.