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Sign upPodcast: 'In Chains' Episode 3
In the third episode of our new themed series In Chains, we speak with Dr. Alexis Aronowitz from University College Utrecht, Utrecht, The Netherlands, who is the author of the article, “Regulating business involvement in labor exploitation and human trafficking” published in Journal of Labor and Society.
Brill Publishes Two New Book Series in the Social Sciences
Brill is pleased to announce the addition of two new peer-reviewed book series to its Social Sciences publishing program: International Studies in Maritime Sociology and Studies in Political Economy of Global Labor and Work. The series will be published online and in print.
Brill adds Two New Journals to Its Social Sciences Publishing Program
Two journals, the Journal of Labor and Society (JLSO) and Protest, have been added to Brill’s expanding publishing program in the Social Sciences. Both journals will be published online and in print. Previous volumes of JLSO are already available on Brill’s website, the first issues of Protest are planned for publication in 2021.
Swaziland is often referred to as ‘Africa's last remaining absolute monarchy’. While not an incorrect description, it masks a complexity about the political system that needs to be understood if sense is to be made of events in that country. So, while there is no tradition of democracy in Swazi politics, the regime is not one of straightforward monarchical domination. It is actually diarchic, with two distinct but interrelated sets of institutions. The first are those of the ‘Swazi nation’ (the monarchy and its key advisory institutions) while the second are those of the ‘Swazi government’, comprising parliament and the cabinet. A new constitution was unveiled in September 2003. While it contained some provisions that represented advances in human rights terms (such as a limited bill of rights and the removal of some restrictions on the rights of women), it retained the absolute powers of the monarch, including the power to make law by decree, and the ban on political parties.
The political year was dominated by national elections to Parliament. The economic crisis eased slightly with a higher annual subvention from SACU. King Mswati III continued to occupy a fantasy economic space, spending millions in an attempt to complete an international airport. The king also announced that Swaziland would attain ‘first-world status’ in 2021.
Political intimidation and existing media censorship, coupled with what appeared to be a flawed justice system, dominated Swaziland’s political landscape during the year. International criticism mounted and the suspension of agoa by the usa resulted in the downsizing of textile firms and a further negative effect on the declining economy. Excessive spending by the royal family, coupled with the king’s controversial vanity project, Sikhuphe Airport, in the face of debilitating poverty and disease, continued to cause resentment among ordinary citizens. Actions and organised voices of protest on the part of various political actors calling for political reforms, no matter how constrained they were internally, continued, despite high risks.
The royal family in the Kingdom of Swaziland remained bent on holding on to power and resisting any efforts towards social and political transformation, despite on-going calls for democratic reforms. The imprisonment of Mario Masuku and Maxwell Dlamini was widely criticised both locally and abroad, while the Suppression of Terrorism Act was challenged in court. The government’s major infrastructural projects were disputed, and drought resulted in serious food insecurity. On the positive side, 2015 saw a decline in the hiv infection rate.
The Kingdom of Swaziland, ruled by King Mswati iii, had been rife with political protests against undemocratic policies and police brutality for well over a decade, with concerns raised about human rights and the rule of law. Whilst the country generally fared no better within these areas, a highlight of the year was the positive ruling on the Suppression of Terrorism Act and the Subversive Activities Act, which showed signs of judicial independence. Other significant events included ongoing protests and the declaration of a state of emergency as a result of a severe drought that impacted negatively on the people and the economy.
The Kingdom of Swaziland, ruled by King Mswati iii since 1986, remained a country with a small population of approximately 1.3 m people. With the highest rate of hiv/aids in the world, the people continued to experience severe food shortages, medical shortages and unemployment. The ongoing drought exacerbated the situation as it affected the agricultural and industrial sectors, further raising unemployment and poverty levels. Excessive use of force by the police continued to contravene human rights laws, and the welfare and protection of children came under the spotlight during the year. The reinstatement of the agoa trade agreement, together with renewed programme support from the eu, brought fresh hopes of increased trade and development.
The downward spiral of socioeconomic decline and political repression that has characterised the 20-year reign of King Mswati III persisted. The political crisis intensified, however, with a new wave of sabotage attacks in the latter part of the year. A round-up of alleged perpetrators and the death of the wife of one of the detainees after police interrogation were among the consequences.
The diet of authoritarianism, repression, corruption and socioeconomic decay continued to characterise political life. The extent of the last of these characteristics was dramatically illustrated by new IMF data which revealed that life expectancy had declined from 60 years of age in 1980 to 31.3, making it the worst country in the world in terms of the duration of life for its citizens. According to the Economist Intelligence Unit's (EIU) Country Report, the chances of a 25 year-old Swazi reaching the age of 50 were only 28% for males and 22% for females. These figures would have been 94% and 97% respectively if it had not been for AIDS.
In both political and socioeconomic terms, this was an especially disastrous year. The more rights-friendly constitution introduced last year notwithstanding, the monarchy continued to rule by decree. Levels of police brutality intensified, while the worst drought in 15 years and runaway fires left about 40% of the population of just over 900,000 dependent on food aid. In addition to having the world's lowest life expectancy (31.3 years according to the IMF), preliminary results of the 2006 census indicated an actual drop in the population by some 17,000 over nine years. This was in stark contrast to growth of more than 200,000 in the previous eleven years (1986–97). In an end-of-year message, the chairperson of the Swaziland Coalition of Concerned Civic Organisations (SCCCO), Bishop B.M. Mabuza, described the 2006 constitution as a “fig-leaf” and accused the government of doing nothing to protect or enforce the rights enshrined in it. He went on to describe 2007 as a year when “defenceless suspects” were “killed by the police, public meetings broken up or prevented from happening, newspaper editors intimidated, journalists threatened … The people … are in the dark about the constitution and their rights and the government seems more than happy to keep it that way”.
By every socioeconomic indicator, life in Swaziland continued its grim downward spiral. Economic growth slid to below 1%, a crippling drought continued unabated, the HIV/AIDS infection rate, one of the highest in the world, showed no signs of slowing, while the government enacted and implemented draconian anti-terror legislation that violated even provisions of Swaziland's own constitution. King Mswati III turned 40 as the country celebrated its 40th year of independence from Britain. Dubbed the 40/40 celebrations, the two events were celebrated on a scale of lavishness quite out of proportion to Swaziland's economic ills.