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Podcast: 'In Chains' Episode 3

In the third episode of our new themed series In Chains, we speak with Dr. Alexis Aronowitz from University College Utrecht, Utrecht, The Netherlands, who is the author of the article, “Regulating business involvement in labor exploitation and human trafficking” published in Journal of Labor and Society.

Brill Publishes Two New Book Series in the Social Sciences

Brill is pleased to announce the addition of two new peer-reviewed book series to its Social Sciences publishing program: International Studies in Maritime Sociology and Studies in Political Economy of Global Labor and Work. The series will be published online and in print.

Brill adds Two New Journals to Its Social Sciences Publishing Program

Two journals, the Journal of Labor and Society (JLSO) and Protest, have been added to Brill’s expanding publishing program in the Social Sciences. Both journals will be published online and in print. Previous volumes of JLSO are already available on Brill’s website, the first issues of Protest are planned for publication in 2021.

 

Acquisitions Editor

Brill

Jason Prevost

jason.prevost@brill.com

V&R unipress

Julia Schwanke

julia.schwanke@v-r.de

Although Kamuzu Banda's dictatorship ended ten years ago, it is only in the past two years that Malawi has rapidly changed into a totally different society in which leaders have to reckon with voices from below. This was evident in the 2004 general election. Bakili Muluzi, the incumbent state president for ten years, was prevented by a mass movement from pursuing a third term. His handpicked successor, Bingu wa Mutharika – popularly known as Bingu – won the election, but by a small simple majority. The political landscape was no longer framed by a dominant party: parties fragmented and coalitions were essential in the political game. Parliament had been the stumbling block for Muluzi in getting his third term, and it has become more and more vocal through its committee system. Not only politicians but also civil society at large, and in particular the media, have as a result secured more space to operate. The economic situation continues to be problematic. Food security remains fragile. The tobacco industry is still the backbone of the economy but is no longer as stable a money-earner as before. Relations with international financial institutions and the donor community have improved because of Bingu's initiatives to fight corruption and assure prudent financial management. However, the donor community is still hesitant. The international profile of Malawi under Bingu is still unclear, but he gave great prominence to a trip to China, Taiwan and Singapore.

The massive abuse of public funds popularly called ‘Cashgate’ was the year’s most dramatic story. This saga affected yet again the donor confidence that President Banda had tried to rebuild after the death of her predecessor, Bingu wa Mutharika, and it resulted in the suspension of aid and loans. The year also witnessed a lot of activity by political parties as they prepared for the first tripartite (presidential, parliamentary and local government) elections in 2014. The Malawi kwacha (K) fell in value by almost half during the first part of the year after it was floated on the market, resulting in rises in the price of commodities and in the general cost of living. This triggered various kinds of industrial action in both private and public sector organisations, aimed at pressuring employers to raise salaries.

Malawi’s tripartite election was the first of its kind in the country’s history. The incumbent president, Mrs Joyce Banda, lost to Peter Mutharika, the Democratic Progressive Party (dpp) presidential candidate and brother of the late former president Bingu wa Mutharika. The suspension of aid and loans by donors continued in response to massive looting of public funds popularly known as Cashgate. This forced the government to adopt a zero-aid budget, which was to be largely financed by locally generated revenue with limited reliance on donor funds. The Malawi kwacha (mk) fell drastically in value during the second part of the year after it was floated on the market, resulting in a rise in commodity prices and the cost of living, while salaries remained static. This triggered various kinds of industrial action in the public and private sectors and by ngos, pressuring employers, including the government, to raise salaries.

Heavy rainfalls caused floods in many southern parts of the country, killing 104 people and displacing thousands, and were followed by a hunger crisis. The withholding of aid by development and cooperating partners continued in response to massive looting of public funds in 2013. The government continued to adopt a zero-aid budget, which was largely to be financed by locally generated revenue. Lack of budgetary support crippled many operations in various sectors of government, particularly affecting hospitals and the judiciary. The Malawi kwacha fell drastically in value after it was floated on the market. Widespread public protests by civil society organisations and employees dominated social and economic media headlines as the local economy continued to sail through troubled waters.

Issues concerning poor socioeconomic and political governance featured prominently during the year. The continued abuse of public funds in public services, which resulted in slowed progress in service delivery, was central to concerns in various quarters of Malawi society. The ruling Democratic Progressive Party (dpp) faced criticisms from various actors over poor governance, misplaced priorities and poor social services, including a shortage of medicines in health facilities and the inability to employ nurses and doctors trained at public expense when there were vacancies in hospitals. Both intra- and inter-party squabbles between key political parties and actors featured prominently. The shortage of maize, on-going inadequate power supplies, rising commodity prices, the continued withholding of budgetary support by donors and unfavourable tobacco and tea prices had a detrimental effect on the economy. The Malawi kwacha (K) continued to depreciate during the second part of the year, resulting in rises in commodity prices and the general cost of living. This prompted strikes for wage increases in both the ­private and public sectors.

President Mutharika and his allies continued to face numerous criticisms over poor governance and the involvement of one of his key ministers in a scandal popularly known as ‘Maizegate’. The anger worsened as the president continued to shield his former cabinet minister of agriculture, who was allegedly involved in the affair. The year also witnessed by-elections in three constituencies and three local government wards. The opposition Malawi Congress Party (mcp) won in five of the six and the governing Democratic Progressive Party (dpp) in just one. Electricity outages dominated the year, as the Electricity Generation Company of Malawi only managed to generate half of the power needed, leading to persistent, longer and more intensive load shedding in most parts of the country. For the first time in more than six years, inflation remained in single digits at 9.3% during the second quarter of the year, resulting in banks narrowing the interest rate gap. There were various kinds of industrial action, particularly strikes in both private and public sector organisations, calling for wage increases, other benefits and improved working conditions.

The campaign for the tripartite elections scheduled for the following year was a key focus of attention. Activities were characterised by derogatory statements and speeches and inter- and intra-party conflict. The secession of the vice state president Saulos Chilima from the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (dpp) to form the United Transformation Movement (utm) made headlines. Different parties held primary elections and conventions to elect leaders. The country maintained good diplomatic and bilateral relations at subregional, regional, and international levels. The Malawi kwacha (K) remained stable against other currencies but fell slightly in value during the second part of the year after it was floated on the market. This resulted in price increases for commodities and the general cost of living and caused some labour unrest and strikes over pay in various public and private sector organisations.

The year was dominated by the 21 May tripartite elections, which were preceded by vigorous political campaigns and escalating incidences of political violence. Popular demonstrations led by the Human Rights Defenders Coalition (hrdc) and widely known as Anti-Jane Ansah characterised the year. hrdc, civil society organisations (csos), and the opposition Malawi Congress Party (mcp) and United Transformation Movement (utm) demanded the resignation of Malawi’s electoral chair, for allegedly failing to manage the May tripartite election process and favouring the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (dpp) to win the elections. The year also witnessed a prolonged constitutional electoral case in which the mcp and utm challenged the May tripartite election results, calling for outright nullification due to massive irregularities that marred the entire election process. Tropical Cyclone Idai caused extensive damage in most parts of the southern part of Malawi and left 60 people dead and thousands displaced. Meanwhile, attacks, abductions, and murders of people with albinism continued to dominate press conferences and news headlines during the year. The Malawi kwacha (mk) remained stable against other currencies during the year, while a few strikes were recorded in various organisations.

The nullification of the 2019 presidential elections by the high court was the most dramatic event that drew the attention of Malawians over the year. Peter Mutharika was declared the winner in the May 2019 polls amid widespread allegations of irregularities and vote-tampering, particularly the use of corrective fluid called Tipp-Ex. The opposition Malawi Congress Party (mcp) and United Transformation Movement (utm) filed a petition challenging the election results at the high court, and on 3 February a panel of five judges unanimously nullified the May 2019 presidential elections and ordered that fresh elections be held in 150 days. Intra- and inter-party conflicts ensued as preparations for the elections were underway. The fresh elections took place on 23 June, and Lazarus Chakwera of the mcp won under the banner of the nine-party grouping called the Tonse Alliance. The composition of Chakwera’s cabinet and parastatal board of directors attracted criticism from Malawians for lack of merit and gender balance. The country also witnessed an escalation of the coronavirus pandemic during the first half of the year, leading to job losses, loss of business, and closure of companies. Mutharika declared the coronavirus pandemic a national disaster, and announced a 21-day lockdown to stem the spread of the coronavirus, a decision opposition parties saw as a strategy to postpone fresh elections. Consequently, there was widespread protest against the lockdown by vendors, human rights groups, and opposition parties.

This was an extraordinary year as President Lazarus Chakwera and his Tonse Alliance administration faced criticism from various quarters over their lukewarm approach to dealing with corruption, cabinet reshuffle, and nepotism, as well as the failure to fulfil some of the 2020 campaign promises. Both intra-party and inter-party squabbles between key political parties and actors featured prominently. The year was also dominated by efforts to contain the Covid-19 pandemic, which affected the operations of all businesses, and the unplanned heavy government expenditure on medical supplies and enforcement of measures to mitigate the spread and effects of the virus. Despite the global economy showing signs of recovery, Malawi’s own economic recovery from the pandemic was slower, impacted by weather shocks, low vaccine uptake, rising inflation, and food shortages in the southern region. The Malawian kwacha (K) continued to depreciate during the second part of the year, resulting in a rise in commodity prices and the general cost of living. This prompted strikes for wage increases in both the private and public sectors.