Middle East and Islamic Studies
New at Brill in Open Access: Encyclopædia Iranica Online
Encyclopaedia Iranica is the most renowned reference work in the field of Iran studies. Founded by the late Professor Ehsan Yarshater and edited at the Ehsan Yarshater Center for Iranian Studies at Columbia University, this monumental international project brings together the scholarship about Iran of thousands of authors around the world.
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Sign upEncyclopædia Iranica Online Now Freely Accessible at Brill
The Ehsan Yarshater Center for Iranian Studies at Columbia University, New York, and Brill are delighted to announce that the Encyclopædia Iranica Online is now freely accessible at Brill’s Reference Works Platform. Encyclopædia Iranica is the comprehensive academic reference work dedicated to the study of Iranian civilization in the Middle East, the Caucasus, Central Asia, and the Indian subcontinent.
Ancient Iran Series Added to Brill’s Publishing Portfolio
As part of their growing portfolio in Middle East and Islamic Studies, Brill has signed an agreement for the take-over of the book series Ancient Iran Series. With its coverage of ancient, pre-, and early-Islamic Iran, this book series complements other book series with a more modern focus on this geographical area, as well as the various other journals and encyclopaedias Brill publishes in this field.
Read an interview with Geert Jan van Gelder
The longstanding series Handbook of Oriental Studies. Section 1: The Near and Middle East recently reached its 150th volume by publishing the special Prominent Murder Victims of the Pre- and Early Islamic Periods Including the Names of Murdered Poets. We caught up with Geert Jan van Gelder, editor and translator of the volume.
Acquisitions Editors
Brill
Maurits van den Boogert
Nicolette van der Hoek
Abdurraouf Oueslati
Teddi Dols
Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht
Jehona Kicaj
President Marc Ravalomanana came into office in 2002 with high expectations at home and massive goodwill from abroad. In 2004, he worked on expending that goodwill in an effort to meet the expectations. A large anti-corruption programme under way got a boost in October with the appointment of the director of Ravalomanana's military cabinet to director general. The World Bank and several major bilateral donors agreed to write off a significant portion of Madagascar's debt. Public companies were sold off as part of a major privatisation programme, and foreign corporations have once again taken interest in the country. Political accountability measures increased while the economy showed significant gains for the second year. The two worrisome factors were that an active, radicalising opposition has been undermining efforts at democratic consolidation, and the uncomfortably close relationship between the president's corporate holdings, his associates and his political position has become stronger.
This was a watershed year in Malagasy history. On 20 December, President Hery Martial Rakotoarimanana Rajaonarimampianina was elected. A first round of presidential elections took place under the auspices of SADC, the AU and the UN on 25 October. Former president Marc Ravalomanana and transitional president Andry Rajoelina were barred from running. With no candidates of national stature, the results were widely split between the 33 candidates. Rajaonarimampianina’s victory came somewhat as a surprise to the international community but was rapidly embraced, while a long exasperated Malagasy populace accepted the results with relief. The Malagasy economy responded well. The IMF predicted real GDP growth of 2.6%.
On 25 January, Hery Martial Rajaonarimampianina was sworn in as Madagascar’s new president. This followed the first election since the overthrow of President Marc Ravalomanana in March 2009 and was a landmark towards normalisation after the country’s isolation from the international community. The private sector had also suffered from a lack of diversified foreign investment. Domestically, established political parties were on the wane and civil society faced near-exclusion from the body politic. Poverty had soared by an estimated 8%, making the country the fourth-poorest in the world according to un estimates. The election was broadly viewed at home and abroad as a ‘trigger’ and a return to constitutionality. The international community returned in force, foreign aid was ramped up, new domestic political space expanded, and the private sector showed signs of growth. Yet the return to electoral legitimacy did not prove to be a panacea. The political fragmentation and associated networks of influence that created the 2009–13 crisis were not resolved and the country remained at risk of a new crisis.
The government of Prime Minister Kolo resigned on 13 January at the end of a brief nine-month run marked by controversy. Kolo’s relationship with President Rajaonarimampianina was strained and he was widely viewed as ineffectual in brokering the differences between the members of the highly factionalised government. General Jean Ravelonarivo was sworn in as prime minister three days later and the municipal elections of 31 July further strengthened the position of the president’s New Forces for Madagascar (hvm) party. The economy of Madagascar continued to show sputtering growth amidst signs of new activity. The international community resumed support and lending continued to be robust. In a year of political fragility and modest economic growth, the state outperformed expectations and the government showed resilience and produced glimmers of hope for improved political and economic performance.
The perpetual fragility of the position of President Hery Martial Rajaonarimam-pianina was softened by decisive wins. The senatorial elections of 29 December 2015 resulted in a 60% majority for the president’s New Forces for Madagascar party. Political uncertainty and policy clashes led to the dismissal of Prime Minister Jean Ravelonarivo, the appointment of Olivier Mahafaly Solonandrasana, and a subsequent cabinet reshuffle, but Rajaonarimampianina showed a greater propensity for political survival than many had predicted. The economy was relatively stagnant due to external shocks, political instability and dangerously weak institutions, but macroeconomic stabilisation paved the way for increased international financial support. The year closed with significant political uncertainty and unimpressive economic growth, but the government exceeded expectations by merely surviving. Former presidents Marc Ravalomanana and Andry Rajoelina, as well as a growing litany of political upstarts, were already jockeying for support from key political and private sector elites in anticipation of the 2018 presidential elections.
Continued institutional fragility, downward economic pressures, poor governance, and increased opacity added to the political spiral for another year. President Hery Martial Rajaonarimampianina struggled to find wins he could boast of. Popular support could at best be considered anaemic. The private sector was showing signs of impatience with reforms. A notable handful of close advisors were accused of corruption and political space became taken up with preparations for the 2018 presidential elections. The opposition and international community alike levelled accusations that changes were meant to delay elections and invalidate the candidacy of Rajaonarimampianina’s predecessors. A political vacuum emerged amidst significant fracturing. Rajaonarimampianina’s electoral prospects were poor; Ravalomanana and Rajoelina remained the leading challengers but with narrow support. The way forward on the electoral code and constitution had the potential to further undermine political stability and the population had entered a state of malaise.
The government of president Hery Martial Rajaonarimampianina had limited success in improving the quality of governance, mending years of eroded trust, or rectifying ineffective policies. The sentiment expressed was that he hadn’t lived up to his promises for reform. Former presidents Marc Ravalomanana and Andry Rajoelina solidified their front-runner standing. gdp per capita increased modestly, but poverty remained at highs reached during the 2009–13 political crisis. Forest area continued to decrease. The powerful private sector began drawing battle lines, and attempted reforms to the electoral code and related policy areas ushered in a new era of uncertainty. Although international interests disagreed on the extent of risk facing the country, imminent constitutional crises were averted, and elections were held with relative calm on 7 November. With the victory of Rajoelina at the 19 December polls, a new opportunity was created to establish stable relationships.
The year 2019 was pivotal in Madagascar as it marked the completion of the second round of elections in the Fourth Republic, a sea change in political leadership, and a new direction in state-led economic growth. President Andry Rajoelina was installed as the new elected president on 17 January. While his victory was decisive, and his long-time foe, Marc Ravalomanana, had already withdrawn his electoral challenges the week before, he inherited a deeply marred political environment and restless electorate. By year’s end, Rajoelina’s party coalition, ‘Isika rehetra miaraka amin’i Andry Rajoelina’ (ird, ‘We are all together with Andry Rajoelina’), had secured an absolute majority in the 27 May legislative elections, the ird candidate had won four of five major urban municipalities and a national majority in the 27 November communal elections, and the opposition was in tatters. The international community rallied behind the one-time autocrat they had shunned a decade ago, offering much-needed donor support for both capital and core sectors, an increase in foreign direct investment, and invitations for state visits. gdp continued to see an increase, but poverty remained intransigent for two-thirds of the population. The powerful private sector was left jockeying for power in the face of new leadership, and President Rajoelina was left yet to determine how much he could rely upon trusted loyalists without casting a broad net for political and economic decision-making.
In 2020 Madagascar faced comparatively few Covid-19 cases but significant impacts from the pandemic on both the economy and politics. gdp fell for the first time in over a decade, the current account balance dropped to alarming levels, the value of the currency (the ariary) slipped, manufacturing slowed, agricultural production slowed, and services declined. As a result, social conditions worsened in a country already suffering as one of the poorest in the world, and the government was ill equipped to provide a robust response to famine in the south of the country. The year was positive for President Rajoelina, who made great strides in consolidating power. Having already secured decisive victories for the presidency, in taking control of the national assembly, and in local elections throughout the country, the only remaining opposition space was in the senate. The president received support from the High Constitutional Court (hcc) to reform the senate before winning a decisive victory in the indirect elections on 11 December. The year ended with deep concerns about economic recovery, worsening social conditions, high levels of engagement by international donors, rising concerns about the health risks of Covid-19, a demoralised and highly fractured opposition, and President Rajoelina indisputably at the helm, relying on a small coterie of loyalists.
The combined impacts of Covid-19 and persistent drought laid bare the institutional weaknesses and political challenges the country faced, and made it increasingly vulnerable. Despite an April surge in Covid-19 cases, the disease itself has had only a modest impact, but the economic impacts were alarming. gdp rebounded but did not fully recover from the sharp loss in 2020, the value of the currency (the ariary/Ar) continued to fall, the current account balance was −7.1, and agricultural production and manufacturing continued to be seen as a primary cause. As a result, social conditions worsened in a country already suffering as one of the poorest in the world, and the government was ill equipped to provide a robust response to famine in the south of the country. For their part, multilateral and bilateral donors alike recognised the urgency and the need to increase both humanitarian relief and long-term portfolio investments. This was a signal that donors saw a certain amount of stability in the administration of President Andry Rajoelina despite the significant steps it took to consolidate power. A coup attempt in July appeared to strengthen the president’s hold on power while narrowing his circle of decision-makers and decreasing transparency. Loud concerns expressed by opposition leaders exposed their weakness, while civil society organisations grew in capacity but not influence.