African Studies
Utafiti: Journal of African Perspectives
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President João Lourenço confounded popular expectations by pursuing his vigorous reshuffling of the executive and the administration, and by allowing the opening of some high-profile corruption investigations into former prominent regime figures. On the international stage he multiplied overtures to old and new partners, leveraged Angola’s regional influence in neighbouring drc, and successfully redressed Angola’s image, which had been marred by grand corruption in the last years. Although these measures had great symbolic impact on foreign and domestic politics, in practice the dominance of the ruling party continued: changes to the political economy were ultimately more superficial than substantial, and there was little relief from economic hardship for a majority of the population.
In accordance with the constitution, president Mokgweetsi Masisi automatically succeeded president Ian Khama following the latter’s retirement in March. There were no drastic measures or changes made in areas of priority following the transfer of leadership, save for emphasis in certain areas. Soon after Khama’s retirement, media reports suggested that there was a rift between him and President Masisi. Their rift developed into a public spat that tore the ruling party apart, with the two leaders openly disparaging each other. Masisi visited neighbouring countries to pledge his commitment to international relations. Domestically, he declared his commitment to tackling socioeconomic barriers, particularly youth unemployment.
The Kingdom of Eswatini was a lower middle income country. An estimated 20% of the population controlled 80% of the country’s wealth. The hiv prevalence rate remained one of the highest in the world, with more than a quarter of the adult population infected. King Mswati ruled the country by royal decree. To mark his fiftieth birthday, he changed the name of the Kingdom of Swaziland to Eswatini. The country celebrated 50 years of independence. National elections were accompanied by some instances of violence. The lgbti community held for the first time a street parade to promote their rights. Mismanagement of funds in the health sector left hospitals in a poor state, resulting in the neglect of patients.
The Kingdom of Eswatini was a lower middle income country. An estimated 20% of the population controlled 80% of the country’s wealth. The hiv prevalence rate remained one of the highest in the world, with more than a quarter of the adult population infected. King Mswati ruled the country by royal decree. To mark his fiftieth birthday, he changed the name of the Kingdom of Swaziland to Eswatini. The country celebrated 50 years of independence. National elections were accompanied by some instances of violence. The lgbti community held for the first time a street parade to promote their rights. Mismanagement of funds in the health sector left hospitals in a poor state, resulting in the neglect of patients.
The June 2017 election had resulted in the formation of Lesotho’s third coalition government since 2012. With a narrow majority, it was always at risk of defeat by defection by individual mps, this contributing to a perpetual sense of political instability in a country where party loyalties have always been fickle, and where the military has a long record of political intervention and has become highly politicised. Eager to resolve the long-running crisis, sadc placed concerted pressure on the government and its opponents to implement far-reaching political and security reforms. The resultant national dialogue of political parties, held in December, proved to be constructive yet inconclusive. Political uncertainty was compounded by divisions within the All Basotho Convention (abc), which threatened to bring down the coalition government, and the announcement by former prime minister Pakalitha Mosisili that he would step down from the leadership of the Democratic Congress (dc), the largest opposition party. Although this raised hopes for the passing of a generation of political leaders bearing a heavy responsibility for the country’s instability, popular opinion registered deep distrust of the existing political system.
The government of president Hery Martial Rajaonarimampianina had limited success in improving the quality of governance, mending years of eroded trust, or rectifying ineffective policies. The sentiment expressed was that he hadn’t lived up to his promises for reform. Former presidents Marc Ravalomanana and Andry Rajoelina solidified their front-runner standing. gdp per capita increased modestly, but poverty remained at highs reached during the 2009–13 political crisis. Forest area continued to decrease. The powerful private sector began drawing battle lines, and attempted reforms to the electoral code and related policy areas ushered in a new era of uncertainty. Although international interests disagreed on the extent of risk facing the country, imminent constitutional crises were averted, and elections were held with relative calm on 7 November. With the victory of Rajoelina at the 19 December polls, a new opportunity was created to establish stable relationships.
The campaign for the tripartite elections scheduled for the following year was a key focus of attention. Activities were characterised by derogatory statements and speeches and inter- and intra-party conflict. The secession of the vice state president Saulos Chilima from the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (dpp) to form the United Transformation Movement (utm) made headlines. Different parties held primary elections and conventions to elect leaders. The country maintained good diplomatic and bilateral relations at subregional, regional, and international levels. The Malawi kwacha (K) remained stable against other currencies but fell slightly in value during the second part of the year after it was floated on the market. This resulted in price increases for commodities and the general cost of living and caused some labour unrest and strikes over pay in various public and private sector organisations.
Mauritius celebrated on 12 March the fiftieth anniversary of its independence, an occasion that prompted many to take stock of the country’s achievements. But the year was marked by a number of events that were not always favourable to Mauritius’s image on the international scene. Cases of misappropriation of funds dented the country’s reputation and made headlines. Mauritius’s ranking on ti’s corruption index, having fallen a few places over previous years, was 56 in the world.
Ruling party Frelimo came under increasing pressure from various directions during the year. In December, the United States brought criminal charges against three Mozambicans, as well as Credit Suisse bankers, in the $ 2 bn secret debt case. In October, the opposition won a record 9 of 53 towns and cities in high-turnout municipal elections. There was evidence that Frelimo’s victory in four municipalities was fraudulent. An insurgency in northern Cabo Delgado province continued, with more than 100 dead and 189 tried in secret. The long-term president of the armed opposition party Renamo died of diabetes, but a ceasefire and peace talks continued. Development of the huge offshore gas fields moved cautiously forward.
The economic decline continued during the year, which was socioeconomically characterised by the effects of a full-blown recession. The necessary fiscal balancing act impacted on domestic policy matters, which focused increasingly on the parliamentary and presidential elections next year. The governing South West African People’s Organisation (swapo) faced continued internal party conflicts. Not least because of the government’s land policy, interethnic tensions were on the rise and contributed to a tenser political climate with the foundation of a new party. President Hage Geingob, who had been elected with almost 87% of votes in 2014, was confronted with growing public criticism over non-delivery of promises made.