African Studies
Utafiti: Journal of African Perspectives
Call for Papers: Utafiti is inviting you to submit your manuscript – any topic in the humanities - for consideration in the next issues.
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Although the main route to Europe lay further east in the Mediterranean, Africa-eu relations continued to be dominated by what has since been dubbed the ‘refugee crisis’. Unfortunately, on this key issue European and African interests could not be further apart: while most African governments would welcome increased opportunities for legal migration to Europe, the eu was politically not willing and therefore not able to move in this direction. (Unless indicated otherwise, in this chapter the abbreviation eu refers to the European Union and its Member States.) Instead, and contrary to its nature as a trade liberalisation project, the eu’s discourse accentuated the desire to ‘manage’ migratory flows and tackle ‘root causes’ of migration.
This was a year of crisis, with falling oil prices causing a rapid deterioration in the economy. Domestic politics were shaped by the impact of the economic downturn, but rather than tackling the crisis head-on, the authorities unleashed the most violent persecution of suspected ‘internal enemies’ since the end of the war. Internationally, Angola multiplied its overtures to new and old creditors but all socioeconomic areas saw significant decline, with negative consequences for large parts of the population, including a hitherto relatively well-off, nascent urban middle class.
After years of heated debate about President Yayi’s intention to modify the Constitution in order to allow him to run for a third term, April’s parliamentary election results took away the government’s majority. Therefore, unilateral constitutional amendments became impossible, the political debate cooled down and focused on the candidates who were preparing their election campaigns. The election procedure confirmed Benin’s reliance on democratic processes. Meanwhile, the country continued to experience moderate economic progress and major corruption scandals. Though the domestic security situation remained stable, Benin assumed more regional responsibility in the fight against jihadist terrorism, given the imminent threat of jihadi attacks at home and growing international pressure to join international efforts to combat terrorism.
Compared with 2014, this was a quiet year on the domestic political scene. No major shift took place in the country’s foreign policy, which continued to be underpinned by the values of good governance, democracy and respect for human rights. The economy experienced a slump in the demand for diamonds, and as a result barely grew. In response, the government announced an Economic Stimulus Programme (esp), meant to boost economic growth, diversify the economy and generate employment. Longstanding socio-economic challenges continued to afflict the country’s development prospects.
Following the removal of Blaise Compaoré by a popular insurrection in 2014, the transitional government that oversaw the return of an elected civilian government in 2015 overcame several challenges. The former presidential guard mounted a coup, temporarily derailing the political transition and forcing the government to postpone elections. Together, international actors and the national military reinstated the transitional authorities, affording them the necessary support to organise elections and inaugurate a new government by the end of 2015. Foreign relations with Côte d’Ivoire were tense because it provided refuge and support to former president Compaoré. In addition, the security situation in Mali and the larger Sahel region further deteriorated, spilling into Burkina Faso for the first time. Economically, the country faced declining growth in 2015 but, despite economic challenges, the transitional government was able to reform the mining sector and address several concerns of the country’s labour unions and civil society organisations.
The year was marked by a severe political, security and humanitarian crisis. The nomination of incumbent President Nkurunziza by his party, the ‘Conseil National pour la Défense de la Démocratie – Forces de Défense de la Démocratie’ (cndd-fdd), and his re-election for a third term stood at the heart of the crisis, which split the party and destabilised state institutions. Popular demonstrations culminated in a failed coup d’etat attempt in May. These events were met with severe repression, and hundreds of civilians were executed, disappeared and/or tortured. Over 200,000 people fled to neighbouring countries. International mediation efforts were stepped up but failed to produce a meaningful result. Two new rebel movements announced an armed struggle to topple the Nkurunziza government. The crisis negatively affected Burundi’s relations with most of its international partners, several of which imposed individual and/or aid sanctions. The political crisis also had a major impact on Burundi’s economy and on fiscal revenue.
Despite the downward economic trend that affected all sectors of the economy, the number of tourist arrivals increased. In addition, tourism received the largest foreign investment project ever made in the sector. An attempt to considerably increase the incomes of political office holders was blocked by a presidential veto in response to spontaneous popular protests. Despite considerable diplomatic lobbying by the presidency and the government, Finance Minister Cristina Duarte failed to be elected as head of the AfDB.
On the political front, a minor cabinet reshuffle took place at the end of the year. Security remained a major problem in the Far North region with armed attacks and suicide bombings attributed to the Nigerian-based Boko Haram movement, which had killed hundreds of people. The East region was also affected by insecurity, with regular incursions by armed gangs, probably coming from the car. Cameroonian security forces were accused of human rights violations in the Far North. On the economic front, the country was able to adjust well to the fall in crude oil prices, but corruption scandals continued. Analysts were becoming increasingly concerned about the rapid increase in the country’s debt.
The transition from crisis to a somewhat more stable situation in the car was counter-balanced by serious confrontations between both the Chadian and Cameroonian security forces and the originally Nigeria-based Boko Haram insurgency and continued armed confrontations in the eastern drc, though arguably of less intensity than in the past. Heads of state in the sub-region proved particularly stubborn in trying to maintain their grip on power, although elections were held in only one country in the sub-region. Historically low prices for crude oil on the world market hit the oil exporting countries severely. Among the sub-regional organisations, cemac relocated its headquarter back to Bangui (car) and gave up plans for a sub-regional airline, while ceeac confirmed its status as the most important international forum in Central Africa.
This was a year of progress towards the end of a prolonged transition from civil unrest to democratic rule and limited stability, despite the general precariousness of all achievements. A peace forum and the referendum on a new constitution prepared the ground for holding the first round of presidential and legislative elections shortly before the end of the year. However, renewed hostilities in the centre of the country around Bambari and Kaga-Bandoro and above all a number of serious confrontations in the capital Bangui reminded both the population and the international community that the overall situation remained volatile.