African Studies
Utafiti: Journal of African Perspectives
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While most people in Benin were concerned about the rising cost of living, the political and societal elite continued to fight a war of words about the political intentions of incumbent President Yayi. Since his re-election in 2011, the opposition had assumed that his initiative to reform the country’s constitution was aimed at permitting him another re-election despite Benin’s two-term limit. Yayi constantly denied this in public. The third-term issue dominated the political debate and thus led to neglect of urgent socio-economic and security issues such as commodity production, port effectiveness and Boko Haram in neighbouring Nigeria.
The defining moment of 2014 in Burkina Faso was, without doubt, the end of the 27-year rule of former president Blaise Compaoré. The demise of the Compaoré regime occurred after months of opposition and civil society demonstrations against the government, and particularly against attempts to change Article 37 of the Constitution to allow Compaoré to stand in the presidential elections scheduled for 2015. A popular insurrection prevented the National Assembly from voting on a proposed modification to presidential term limits and forced Compaoré to resign from office on 31 October. After the fall of the Compaoré regime, some international actors threatened sanctions. Burkina Faso also increased its commitment to regional counter-terrorism operations by joining new regional organisations and military operations. Burkina’s economic growth slowed due its reliance on the mining sector, while the cotton sector experienced a robust harvest for the second year in a row. Optimistic forecasts and government planning for potential risks in this volatile sector offered encouraging signs for future economic development.
In March, the central bank reduced the principal interest rates in an attempt to halt the downward trend of economic growth. The number of tourists dropped by 2.6%, though this was partly compensated for by only a 0.6% reduction in nights spent by the visitors. Following strong protests against the nomination of a former minister as the new governor of the central bank, in November, Prime Minister José Maria Neves gave in and appointed another candidate. In mid-December, the 36-year old Janira Hopffer Almada, minister of youth, employment and human resources development, achieved a convincing victory in the direct elections of the ruling ‘Partido Africano da Independência de Cabo Verde’ (paicv) and succeeded Neves as party leader.
For Côte d’Ivoire, 2014 was a year of mixed hope and anxiety. The post-war reconciliation process produced modest and limited results. The year was also marked by the trial of prominent members of the former regime, including the former first lady, Simone Gbagbo. However, nobody from President Alassane Ouattara’s side was indicted by the national judicial system or the icc. The country was torn by disputes about the upcoming 2015 presidential elections. The two main political parties, the ‘Parti Démocratique de Côte d’Ivoire – Rassemblement Démocratique Africain’ (pdci-rda) and ‘Front Populaire Ivoirien’ (fpi) were deeply divided about the election and its procedures.
Throughout the year, opposition media and diasporic civil organisations denounced President Jammeh’s repressive regime, but events showed that, despite increasing popular disaffection, his grip on the country remained strong. In the early hours of 30 December, the Presidential Guard rapidly countered an attack by a group of armed men on the Presidential Palace in the capital, Banjul. Repression of alleged dissidents and civilians started immediately after the foiled attack. The closure of the border with Senegal in the first part of the year had economic consequences for both the Gambia and the Casamance. The late beginning of the rainy season compromised crop production. Rising food prices and an annual inflation rate of 6.1% seriously reduced the spending power of Gambian households.
The growing economic meltdown was the main feature of 2014 as many complained of the failure of the Mahama government to deliver on its promise of ‘Building a Better Ghana’. Politically, inter-party tensions were minimal while there were many cases of intra-party controversy. Increasingly irregular power supplies, contested policies, numerous outbreaks of fire and high inflation further increased public agitation. As a result, there were widespread civil and political demonstrations across the country. Corruption continued to be a major challenge for the government, as ministers, parliamentarians and state workers were accused of diverting state resources.
After a promising economic start, popular hopes for social and political improvements, which had been much expected after years of governmental reforms, were disappointed. Guinea suffered from political and economic stagnation due to the outbreak of Ebola, which undermined the fledging economic progress. Local elections that had been scheduled for 2014 were postponed, causing tension amongst the political elite and fuelling lack of trust in the government and the security forces amongst wide sections of the population.
The year was marked by democratic general elections in April and May, leading to the replacement of the unpopular and corrupt 2012 post-coup ‘transitional government’. The ‘Partido para a Independência da Guiné e Cabo Verde’ (paigc) obtained an absolute majority in parliament and won the presidency. Despite its majority, the paigc formed a government inclusive of all parties represented in parliament. In the aftermath of the elections, political tensions decreased, helped by the unexpected death of long-time political agitator, former state-president Kumba Yalá (prs) in April and the dismissal of the controversial general chief of staff, António Indjai, in November. Both were believed to be behind the 2012 military coup. International relations normalised, sanctions were lifted, and financial and development cooperation was resumed.
The country was overwhelmed for most of the year by a devastating Ebola epidemic, which struck Liberia like a biblical plague in March. Efforts to eliminate the virus overtook all other state priorities and nearly led to political instability. The despatch of 4,000 us troops to build dozens of treatment centres and provide other support helped stabilise Sirleaf’s faltering regime. The death toll from the disease rose to over 3,600 by year’s end, making Liberia the country most affected by the outbreak. The toll on the country’s economy was also dramatic. Growth dropped from about 6% at the beginning of the year to only 1% by year’s end, and inflation reached double digits.
While a 2013 international military intervention brought a measure of stability to the country, old threats persisted within Mali’s borders and new ones emerged in 2014. Low-intensity terrorist violence and sporadic clashes between government troops and rebels in the north, corruption scandals and a dramatic outbreak of the deadly Ebola virus in the capital ensured that Mali would stay in the international spotlight throughout the year. The Malian government remained heavily dependent on support from its Western partners but diversified its sources of support by forging new ties with non-Western states. Economically, Mali showed on-going signs of gradual recovery but continued to rely on two primary commodities for its export earnings.