African Studies
Utafiti: Journal of African Perspectives
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The presidential election was without doubt the most important event of the year, although it took place against a background of general indifference. Unsurprisingly, 78-year-old President Paul Biya, already one of Africa’s longest serving presidents (29 years), was re-elected against competition from 22 other candidates (a record) for a further term of seven years, receiving 78% of the votes, according to official figures. The leader of the Social Democratic Front (SDF), John Fru Ndi, seen as Biya’s main opponent, received only 10% of the votes, his lowest ever result. NGOs and opposition political parties reported widespread fraud and described the organisation of the polls as chaotic. Throughout the year social tension was high, and the authorities maintained a high security force presence in public spaces.
The “super election year” for the sub-region, with presidential elections held in five out of eight countries and legislative elections in four, did not bring any surprises. The autocratic regimes confirmed and sometimes tightened their grip on power and the single democracy of the sub-region continued its tradition of balancing representation between different political currents within the legislative and executive branches of government as a result of presidential elections. There were no spectacular changes with regard to economic and social developments. Sub-regional organisations were particularly passive during the year and held no major summits.
For most Central Africans this was another painful year during which they endured widespread violence. Armed clashes continued, particularly in the periphery of the country. Democratic standards declined, not least because of suspect elections for the presidency and the National Assembly. Not surprisingly, both were won by the regime in power. All available data on the social situation presented a miserable picture. President Bozizé tried to diversify his international ties, both in the sub-region and beyond.
The year was marked by the parliamentary and presidential elections, which took place without major incident. The security situation remained calm throughout the year, as relations with Sudan remained cordial. There was some worry over the unrest in Libya, with Chadian nationals returning to the north of Chad. The economy showed moderate growth, helped by high oil prices and an almost normal agricultural season after the bumper crop of 2010 and the drought of 2009.
The year was marked by the preparation and organisation of presidential and parliamentary elections. The run-up to the elections was plagued by various logistical problems and violence between the camps of the main competitors, Joseph Kabila, Etienne Tshisekedi and Vital Kamerhe. A change in the constitution abolishing the second round in presidential elections made it possible for the incumbent president, Joseph Kabila, to win the elections with just under 50% of the votes, a result that was immediately contested by the opposition. Violence in the eastern part of the country continued throughout the year and little progress could be observed with regard to security sector reform (SSR) or the fight against the various remaining rebel groups in the Kivus. The year also saw a quasi breakdown of mining activity in many parts of the country as a result of the announced Dodd-Frank Act, which requires companies publicly quoted on the US stock market to certify that their mineral imports are conflict-free.
Political and social processes during the year in Equatorial Guinea were strongly linked to external and transnational events. The ‘Arab Spring’ gave rise to fear of social unrest; the government reacted by strengthening its control over the population and at the same time proposing formal constitutional reform. President Obiang gained new international prominence as the new president of the AU, which held its summit at the end of June. But the new position also made him more exposed to criticism. The abject poverty of the population and the state’s efficient repression apparatus facilitated the grip on power of the ruling ‘Partido Democrático de Guinea Ecuatorial’ (PDGE).
Legislative elections occupied much of the political calendar this year, with the political opposition eventually boycotting the polls, leaving the ruling ‘Parti Démocratique Gabonais’ (PDG) with a virtual monopoly of seats in the National Assembly. On-going allegations of widespread corruption continued to haunt the Bongo family dynasty. Nevertheless, high commodity prices and increased oil production allowed for modest economic growth.
There was little movement in Congolese domestic politics, with President Denis Sassou-Nguesso continuing to dominate the political scene. In foreign affairs, however, the Congo suffered a major rift with its largest neighbour, the DRC, although the issue was nominally resolved by the end of the year. Congo’s economy, and its national budget, again grew at a healthy pace, as it had over the previous several years, fuelled by rising oil production and world petroleum prices. Few of the macro-economic gains trickled down to Congo’s impoverished masses, however. Meanwhile, government corruption and lack of vision for the country’s post-petroleum future continued to be major stumbling blocks to sustainable development.
In August, Manuel Pinto da Costa, the country’s first president, in office from 1975 to 1991, became the third democratically elected president. Foreign tourism investments in Príncipe provoked a conflict between the island’s regional government and the central government. The Angolan oil company Sonangol took control of São Tomé’s harbour and airport, while the country’s oil sector made little progress.