There were no changes to the political and economic system. In spring, President Isaias Afewerki disappeared from the public view for almost a month, giving rise to speculation that he might be in poor health or even dead, and making it clear that no procedures were in place to appoint his successor. The involvement of high-ranking military officers in illegal activities such as smuggling and human trafficking increased, while the mass exodus to avoid unlimited periods of national service accelerated. Many prominent Eritreans sought asylum abroad, including members of the national football team and the Olympic team. Ethiopia conducted several military incursions into Eritrean territory, allegedly directed against armed opposition forces supported by Eritrea, without any perceptible response by the Eritrean government. The death of Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi had no immediate effect on Eritrean-Ethiopian relations. The chronic shortage of consumer goods and inadequate energy supplies continued, as no positive impact was made on Eritrea’s economy by gold revenues. The Canadian company Nevsun had to admit that it had seriously overestimated the gold reserves at the Bisha mine.
The country's autocratic political system persisted, while its economic performance weakened further and a hunger crisis loomed. The Warsay-Yikealo Development Campaign, which forces hundreds of thousands of national service recruits to work without pay for unspecified periods, continued. The human rights record remained extremely worrying. The EU Commission nevertheless made a grant to the government of $ 122 m for the period 2009–13. Eritrea's border conflict with Ethiopia was not solved. In December, the UN Security Council imposed targeted sanctions on Eritrea because of its alleged military involvement in Somalia and its refusal to enter into negotiations with Djibouti over the unresolved border conflict.
The political situation in Djibouti was stable and president Ismaïl Omar Guelleh continued to rule the country in an authoritarian manner, while quarrels over his succession continued within his extended family without an apparent winner. Relations with Ethiopian prime minister Abiy Ahmed were tense due to Djibouti’s alleged involvement in an ethnic conflict in Ethiopia’s Afar region and Abiy’s support for uae-based dp World in its conflict with President Guelleh over a port terminal. No progress was made in the border conflict with Eritrea, and Djibouti competed with Kenya for a seat in the un Security Council. China continued to be the main investor in the country, and several projects, including a gas pipeline connecting Ethiopia and Djibouti, were initiated. The government raised its efforts to become energy self-sufficient and more resilient against droughts and flooding. Poverty and unemployment remained endemic despite economic growth and high levels of foreign investment.
The oppressive political situation prevailing since 2001 remained unchanged. No national elections were held or even discussed, and the cabinet was not reshuffled. Military zone commanders continued to play a role in political decision-making. The human rights situation did not improve. The stalemate in the peace process between Eritrea and Ethiopia was not overcome. On the contrary, towards the end of the year tensions over the unresolved border dispute between both states were further aggravated. The dire economic situation was characterised by a worsening lack of hard currency, leading to severe shortages of basic consumer goods. Malnutrition was common, especially in rural areas.
Eritrea celebrated 20 years of independence without its government envisaging political and economic reforms. The state retained its autocratic political system without an independent judiciary; the human rights record remained precarious and civil liberties were lacking. The government denied that the country was affected by the drought prevailing throughout the Horn of Africa, but satellite pictures and refugee reports indicated that at least parts of Eritrea suffered from drought and famine. The Warsay-Yikealo Development Campaign and the mass exodus of the younger generation continued unabated. Hundreds of refugees fell victim to human traffickers, who held them hostage in the Sinai Peninsula to extort money from relatives or even to remove and sell their organs. In reaction to a report by the Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea in July, which presented extensive evidence that the government had supported armed opposition groups in Somalia and other countries in the Horn, the UNSC passed resolution 2023 (2011) in December, thus expanding the sanctions on Eritrea. The border conflicts with Djibouti and Ethiopia remained unsolved. In February, a Canadian company started mining gold at its Bisha Project.
Eritrea’s firmly entrenched autocratic political system and its command economy persisted, while the mass youth exodus accelerated rapidly. The four Catholic bishops harshly criticised the government’s policy of militarisation and demanded reforms, and passive resistance to forced conscription increased. The long-standing conflicts with Ethiopia and Djibouti remained unresolved and the un sanctions against Eritrea remained in place. The government tried to strengthen political ties with Egypt and Russia, whereas relations with Qatar cooled significantly. European governments were worried about the increasing influx of Eritrean refugees, but failed to pressure the Eritrean government to address the root causes of their flight. Eritrea reportedly reached the health-related mdgs, but food insecurity still prevailed and basic commodities remained scarce.
Eritrea’s autocratic political system and its command economy prevailed, and the mass youth exodus caused by the open-ended national service system continued unabatedly. The regime continued to host Ethiopian rebel groups on its soil, but in September the commander of the Tigray People’s Democratic Movement, which had served as a security force for President Isaias defected to Ethiopia with hundreds of troops. The government introduced a new penal code, but the human rights situation remained alarming, as was confirmed by the un Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in Eritrea in its report published in the summer. Diaspora Eritreans were deeply divided between supporters and opponents of the homeland regime. Eritrea joined the Saudi-led anti-Houthi campaign in Yemen in the spring. The government lobbied European politicians concerned about the influx of Eritrean refugees to Europe, and the eu granted € 200 m in fresh development aid.
Early in the year, there was some hope for a process of cautious democratisation when the candidates of the opposition coalition ended their boycott and took their seats in parliament. However, harassment of the opposition continued and the situation deteriorated rapidly towards the end of the year, when President Ismaïl Omar Guelleh declared his candidacy for a fourth term in office. Violent clashes occurred on 21 December between security forces and members of the Yonis-Moussa clan who had gathered for a religious celebration, which resulted in more than 100 casualties. On the same day, police attacked the opposition coalition’s leadership during a meeting and three politicians were seriously injured. Violent clashes continued between government forces and a militant wing of the ‘Front pour la Restoration de l’Unité et de la Démocratie’ (frud) in the Afar-inhabited north. China and Djibouti reached an agreement on the construction of a naval base, which further strengthened the country’s position as a centre of international military facilities. Economic life was marked by substantial fdi and ambitious infrastructure projects, while endemic poverty and unemployment were not alleviated and standards of nutrition deteriorated due to worsening drought conditions.
The government continued its self-reliance strategy, based on a militarised command economy employing national service recruits in infrastructure projects and commercial agriculture. A poor harvest increased the threat of malnutrition and imported consumer goods reached price levels far exceeding average world market prices, partly due to increased contraband trade. There were no reforms in the political and judicial systems and the human rights record remained extremely poor. The mass exodus of young people continued. The UN Mission to Eritrea and Ethiopia (UNMEE) was terminated in July, with no solution of Eritrea's conflict with its neighbour in sight. A border conflict with Djibouti led to armed clashes, while US-Eritrean relations continued to be poor.
An oppressive political situation and very poor human rights, including the arbitrary arrest of thousands of people, prevailed in the country. There were no steps towards democratisation. The policy of militarisation of the educational system and of state control of the economic sector prevailed, leading to a mass exodus of young people. There was no break in the stalemate in the border conflict with Ethiopia, and both countries engaged in the conflict in Somalia on opposing sides. The humanitarian situation did not improve, while the economy was characterised by a lack of hard currency and a shortage of basic goods and energy.