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Burkina Faso experienced a politically quiet year compared with previous years. Two nation-wide elections were conducted peacefully. The dominant ruling party secured its absolute majority in the National Assembly and won two-thirds of all municipal seats, leaving the opposition far behind. Testing its electoral strength for the first time, former finance minister Zéphirin Diabré’s new party became the leading opposition force. Although statistics continued to show solid economic growth, the socioeconomic situation remained precarious for most of the population and a loss of confidence in the state’s capacities gave rise to increased real and potential local tensions. President Compaoré, still very active on the international scene, became the official ECOWAS mediator in the conflict in neighbouring Mali.
After years of heated debate about President Yayi’s intention to modify the Constitution in order to allow him to run for a third term, April’s parliamentary election results took away the government’s majority. Therefore, unilateral constitutional amendments became impossible, the political debate cooled down and focused on the candidates who were preparing their election campaigns. The election procedure confirmed Benin’s reliance on democratic processes. Meanwhile, the country continued to experience moderate economic progress and major corruption scandals. Though the domestic security situation remained stable, Benin assumed more regional responsibility in the fight against jihadist terrorism, given the imminent threat of jihadi attacks at home and growing international pressure to join international efforts to combat terrorism.
The presidential elections dominated the political scene. Unsurprisingly, President Compaoré was re-elected for a fourth term of five years. The permanent political struggle over power issues distracted public attention from urgent policy matters such as the consequences of environmental disasters, price developments, agricultural production and education. Major social protests abruptly, but not sustainably, returned these topics to the spotlight. Heavy flooding hit tens of thousands while the population had not yet recovered from the extreme damage of the previous year. Compaoré’s international significance as a mediator slowly declined, but still remained an asset for his reputation.
National Assembly elections, the 20th anniversary of the 1987 coup and protest rallies dominated the political scene. President Blaise Compaoré, who remained the most powerful political figure, strengthened his legal power base by winning overwhelming support in the parliamentary polls. He continued his policy of improving his sub-regional diplomatic standing and underlined his supreme power by undertaking a prudent cabinet reshuffle. However, protests by the security forces continued, further challenging the image of a neatly organised and stable society. Economic growth rates were respectable, but public perception was negative due to the rising cost of living as well as poor education and health services. The negative demographic and ecological impacts on development became more marked.
Widespread public protests, by military rank and file, struggling farmers and ordinary citizens alike, dominated the political headlines. Countrywide social unrest after a high-school student was allegedly tortured to death by police soon turned into demands for broader economic and social reforms. Military mutinies resulted in a government reshuffle and a political reform process. Political developments in Côte d’Ivoire and Libya led to a deterioration in the country’s political standing in the sub-region. Macroeconomic forecasts projected solid growth.
The political, social and economic situation became more settled during the year. Heading towards the virtually certain re-election of President Compaoré in November 2010, both the presidential and opposition camps tried with modest success to strengthen their political standing. The mixed performance did not result in significant changes in the political landscape, largely defined by the predominance of the presidential party and continued fragmentation of the opposition, in part co-opted by the government. Heavy flooding had disastrous consequences for Ouagadougou's infrastructure and proved a burden for the national budget, in addition to the world financial crisis. Meanwhile, President Compaoré enhanced his sub-regional diplomatic standing by mediating in Guinea.
External economic shocks that boosted the rising costs of living led to public unrest. The government, in which President Blaise Compaoré remained the most powerful figure, reacted with short-term accommodation measures, while political parties struggled more with internal strife than with policy proposals. The channelling of political claims was primarily organised by civil society. Meanwhile, President Compaoré consolidated his sub-regional diplomatic standing, particularly with his mediation in Côte d'Ivoire.
As in previous years, politics remained focussed on president Patrice Talon’s activities. The president continued to push for economic reforms but postponed his ambitious plan to amend the constitution. Revisions of the political parties law and the electoral law caused public outcry and concerned domestic and international commentators about the country’s highly valued democratic standards. Underneath, the country further diversified its international ties, for example by favouring China in crucial infrastructure projects. The cotton industry continued to flourish, and the general economic outlook gave reason to be optimistic about the country’s development despite the heated political disputes.
President Compaoré’s political standing diminished in both domestic and international affairs. Preparations for the introduction of a second parliamentary chamber mobilised the opposition and significant parts of civil society to protest against the government. Critics described the senate as a costly instrument that would protect the regime’s power. The reversal of the leadership in 2012 had created internal tensions in the ruling party, the ‘Congrès pour la Démocratie et le Progrès’ (CDP), but in rural areas the party proved its dominance in a partial municipal elections rerun and in many mayoral elections. Internationally, Compaoré continued to act as the official ECOWAS mediator for Mali and his country made a strong contribution to the UN military mission in that country, but he gradually lost political influence because he had a difficult relationship with Mali’s newly elected President Ibrahim Boubacar Keita. Burkina’s economic development remained largely dependent on industrial mining, while the biggest employer – the cotton industry – achieved a good harvest, encouraging optimistic forecasts for this volatile and vulnerable production sector.
While most people in Benin were concerned about the rising cost of living, the political and societal elite continued to fight a war of words about the political intentions of incumbent President Yayi. Since his re-election in 2011, the opposition had assumed that his initiative to reform the country’s constitution was aimed at permitting him another re-election despite Benin’s two-term limit. Yayi constantly denied this in public. The third-term issue dominated the political debate and thus led to neglect of urgent socio-economic and security issues such as commodity production, port effectiveness and Boko Haram in neighbouring Nigeria.