Historiography of Jesuit Cartography

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Robert Batchelor
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Robert Batchelor Last modified: February 2019

I. Introduction: The Absence of a Field

Jesuit cartography, a vast and lively area of historical scholarship, does not as yet have a proper history. Some have questioned whether such an enterprise could ever encompass the global variety of early modern and modern productions by members of the order. Only in 1991 did the historian of cartography John Brian Harley (1932–91) first try to sum up the Jesuit cartographic project as an extension of Renaissance “arts of persuasion,” noting that “it is clear that the Jesuits more than other religious orders of early modern Europe valued maps and geography for the control of missionary space.” Harley also expressed skepticism about the cross-cultural nature of such projects, borrowing a phrase from the sinologist Jacques Gernet (1921–2018) to call this an “enterprise of seduction.”1 More recently, the philosopher Peter Sloterdijk (1947–) has suggested that the terrestrial cartography and even the celestial maps of the missionaries more directly attempted to come to terms with the collapse of the Aristotelian cosmology of spheres and envision a new terrestrial globe. Thoroughly “modern,” such maps represented a kind of network phenomenon of displaying earthly connections, one perhaps connected with the effort to develop new forms of subjectivity in the context of the Counter-Reformation.2 These two poles—missionary persuasion derived from confident universalism versus a new global subjectivity emerging from disruption—have largely shaped the broader historiographic debate about the significance of Jesuit mapping projects.

Rather than outward intentions of persuasion or inward questions of self and cosmos, recent scholarship has investigated more epistemic qualities related to Jesuit mapping, the conditions under which Jesuit cartography developed.3 Attentiveness to language and locality in this scholarship returns the possibility of mapping as an interactive and iterative process driven in many cases by the periphery rather than a centralized strategy of control or a crisis in representation as put forward by Harley and Sloterdijk. Indeed, Jesuit mapping seems to have had its most lasting effects in creating open-ended cartographic imaginaries out of such relations. Examples include former Spanish colonies where Jesuit maps shaped nationalist historical conceptions; places like India, Russia, and Eastern Europe where Jesuit efforts were quietly folded into imperial projects; East Asian countries like Korea and Japan, where the actual presence of Jesuits was limited, and yet their maps helped shape understandings of foreign polities; and Europe itself, where integrative aspects of Jesuit cartographic education and globalist approaches had important effects in otherwise politically and linguistically fragmented regions.

This new work reveals a certain tension between the many histories of Jesuit cartographers working on regional mapping projects and the broader headings of Jesuit science or Jesuit education under which Jesuit cartography has usually been treated. A long tradition exists of writing about the cartographic enterprises of particular missions as isolated phenomena—most notably the China mission beginning with the famous world maps created by Matteo Ricci (1552–1610) from 1584 and equally significantly the Spanish and French empires in the Americas. Historical accounts of the role of cartography and geography in Jesuit education and its influence on European, Asian, and creole American cartographers who were not themselves Jesuits, especially in relation to the study of geometry as instituted by Christoph Clavius (1538–1612) from 1574 and the Ratio studiorum (1599), have with a few exceptions been more anecdotal.4 The period after the refounding of the Jesuits during the nineteenth century, in which a global network of observatories emerged that produced astronomical, geophysical, meteorological, and hydrological maps, has largely been neglected until very recently.

Regional scholarship as well as studies of particular Jesuit cartographers, described under the specific headings that follow, have created a nuanced if geographically and temporally fragmented account. Considered as a whole, the Jesuit cartographic enterprise appears open-ended and diverse enough to have played a significant role in the definition of spatial “modernities” that connected complex negotiations among institutions, groups and individuals with more abstract and “global” geometries. These connections defined through cartography in many cases outlasted the missionary efforts of the order itself.

II. Missionary Cartographers, 1584–1773

A. The Efforts and Effects of the China Mission in Asia

The most extensive literature on Jesuit cartography concerns the person who was arguably its founding figure, Matteo Ricci.5 The impressive translation and woodblock printing efforts that enabled the various editions of his Chinese world map starting in 1584 included notable collaboration efforts with Li Zhizao (1565–1630), Zhang Wentao, and others, setting up a recurring pattern of collaborative and syncretic work in Jesuit cartography. Ricci saw the basis of Jesuit cartography in the geometric education outlined by Clavius in his various textbooks published in Rome, and Clavius’s work also provided the basis for Gregorian calendrical reform (1582). Ricci also relied heavily on the imperial atlas making project Theatrum Orbis Terrarum (1570–98) of Abraham Ortelius in Spanish Antwerp and Luo Hongxian’s (1504–64) atlas of the Ming Empire, Guang yu tu (1561). As such, Jesuit cartography was very much a project rooted not only in Jesuit and Catholic science in the late sixteenth century, with ambitions to use geometry as a way of articulating a universal account of space and time, but also in the imperial efforts of empires like the Spanish and the Ming to gain both regional and global leverage.6 Cartography also became an important tool for generating discussions and connections with late Ming and early Qing intellectual circles and printing practices, with such efforts spilling over and inspiring further mapping in Korea, Japan, the Philippines, and Southeast Asia.7

Beyond Ricci, the broader China mission was significant in its efforts to help comprehensively map one of the largest and most populous empires on the planet, a project that gained further momentum as the Qing dynasty essentially doubled the size of the Ming Empire after the conquest of 1644 and directly patronized such projects. Efforts by the Jesuits to become involved in mapping the empire began during the late Ming with the maps of Ricci’s early working partner Michele Ruggieri (1543–1607).8 Over the course of the next two centuries, at least thirty-five Jesuits participated actively in cartographic projects in China, with numerous others playing subsidiary roles. These efforts also had important effects on the development of cartography in Japan, Korea, the Philippines, Southeast Asia, India, and Russia. Some have highlighted the limits of Jesuit influence and the continuation of traditional practices in China.9 More recent scholarship on figures like Giulio Aleni (1582–1649), Francesco Sambiasi (1582–1649), and Francesco Brancati (1607–71) sees an increasing divergence between localized missionary efforts that involved only occasional use of cartography and attempts at court to persuade late Ming emperors directly, the latter making the Ming court into a source for maps that travelled to Korea and Japan.10 The gap between local missionary efforts and courtly cartography only widened after the Manchu conquest of 1644 as Jesuits became more directly tied into Qing imperial efforts to consolidate of geographical knowledge about both the empire and foreign locations, astronomical knowledge related to calendrical reform, and more generally advertising on both a regional and a global scale the new Qing empire’s cosmopolitan achievements and sheer size.

Jesuit mapping in China could also be used to demonstrate the achievements of their enterprise to various groups in Europe, making it a useful tool in forging alliances, particularly from the late seventeenth century, with the French monarchy and more broadly with both Protestant countries and Orthodox Russia during the eighteenth century. Their efforts became, first through Martino Martini’s (1614–61) maps published by Joan Blaeu (1596–1673) as the Novus Atlas Sinensis (1655) and later through the translation of the Emperor Kangxi’s (1654–1722) atlas in Jean Baptiste Bourguignon d’Anville’s (1697–1782) Nouvelle Atlas (1737), the standard cartographic depiction of China in Europe and elsewhere. A significant amount of scholarship has addressed the complex institutional and personal collaborations involved in creating Ricci’s world map, Álvarez Semedo’s (1585–1658) map of China, Johann Adam Schall von Bell’s (1591–1666) maps and charts, Michał Piotr Boym’s (1612–59) and Martini’s contrasting atlases, Ferdinand Verbiest’s (1623–88) world map, and the imperial maps involving multiple Jesuits under Kangxi (1717, 1719, 1721), Yongzheng (1725) and Qianlong (1757–75).11 In the 1990s and 2000s, cartography became central to the “new Qing history,” which emphasized the role of cartography in early modern empire making more generally.12 The most recent scholarship, such as Mario Cams’s work on the Kangxi Atlas or Matthew Mosca’s on the Qing frontier with India, which includes Michel Benoist’s (1715–74) work with other Jesuits for Qianlong in the 1760s and 1770s, has shown it to be a complex product of institutional convergence and integrative approaches demanded by a growing awareness of the need for a “foreign policy.” The collaborative work done on the Kangxi mapping project by the Jesuits Antoine Thomas (1644–1709), Xavier Ehrenbert Fridelli (1673–1743), Jean-Baptiste Régis (1663/4–1738), Pierre Jartoux (1669–1720), Joachim Bouvet (1656–1730), Dominique Parrenin (1665–1741), Pierre-Vincent de Tartre (1669–1724), Francis Cardoso (1677–1723), Roman Hinderer (1668–1744), Joseph-Anne-Marie de Moyriac de Mailla (1669–1748), and the Lazarist Matteo Ripa (1682–1746) with a wide variety of people and institutions was indicative of the new kinds of projects pursued in the eighteenth century that were by no means simply “Jesuit.”13

Jesuit astronomers also made substantial efforts at celestial cartography in China, and in a similar collaborative manner, although in general this has not been studied in tandem with terrestrial cartography. Such work began with the translation of Clavius’s astronomical work by Manuel (Emanuel) Díaz (1574–1659) in the Tian wen lue (Explicatio sphaerae coelestis, Beijing, 1615), gaining substantial momentum with the work of Sabatino de Ursis (1575–1620) and Schall von Bell at the late Ming court. Because of their role in astrological ceremonies and the calendar important to imperial legitimacy, star charts were even more important than terrestrial maps and globes. Schall von Bell’s star charts printed between 1630 and 1634 for the Chongzhen Emperor (1611–44) were the first important publications to come out of Jesuit collaboration with the Beijing Observatory. His work was continued in Beijing by Verbiest, Ignatius Kögler (1680–1746), Antoine Gaubil (1689–1759), André Pereira (1689–1743), and others.14 By contrast, the astronomer François (František, Franciscus) Noël (1651–1729), remembered today more for his translations of Confucian classics and role in the Rites Controversy, made field observations and maps of stellar magnitudes from China (Macao), India (Goa), and Brazil (Bahia) from 1684 to 1708, publishing his charts in Prague in 1710.15

Finally, the presence of the Jesuits in China and their efforts at mapping led to increased interest in cartography as a representational strategy in Korea, Japan, the Philippines, Vietnam, Siam, India, and maritime East Asia more generally. The early Jesuit presence in Japan was followed by a fascination with the Ricci world map after they and other Catholics were expelled, while Korean envoys at the Beijing court brought back manuscript copies of Ricci’s map as well as those of Aleni and Verbiest.16 The Sicilian Jesuit Girolamo de Angelis (1567–1623) mapped Hokkaido, while Antoine Gaubil in the eighteenth century mapped the Ryukyus and southern Japan.17 Jesuit cartography in the Philippines, Vietnam, and Siam played an important role in heightening the prestige of mapping in these areas as well as in later nationalist discourses.18 The Jesuit role in Philippine cartography was particularly important, not only in the famous “Carta Hydrographica y Chorographica” (1734) of Pedro Murillo Velarde (1696–1753) and Nicolás de la Cruz Bagay (1701–71) but also as a staging point for the mapping of the Carolines, Palau and Marianas by Juan Cantova (1697–1731) and others.19 Likewise, the Selden Map of China (c.1619), the outlines of which indicate possible indirect Jesuit influence, suggests that overseas Min-speaking Chinese were also influenced by this growing prestige of mapping.20

When the French mission to Siam was expelled in 1689, they moved to Pondicherry in India, thus pushing these East Asian patterns of Jesuit cartographic practice westward. For India, cartography has become a metaphor for analysis of the overall Jesuit mission there. Although she does not analyze actual Jesuit cartography, Ines Županov writes metaphorically of the “cultural cartography” of Jesuit early modernity in India, locating Jesuit “itineraries” under the umbrella of the royal patronage (padroado) of Portugal and Spain and finding them to be polycentric and varying importantly over time.21 Yet, astronomy and cartography were closely tied together in a cosmographic project inherited from the Siamese mission that also involved significant amounts of translation. Prior to 1689, the main exemplar of Jesuit mapping in India was the small and sparsely detailed 1590 map of Anthony Monserrate (1536–1600). After 1689, Jean-Venant Bouchet (1655–1732) and other mathématiciens du roi moved to Pondicherry to establish the Carnate mission under the assistance of France (Gallia). From there, however, practices branched out in a much more decentralized fashion than they had in China under the auspices of both Enlightenment and a French imperial imaginary.22 For both China and India, the publisher D'Anville capitalized on the work of Jesuits to create comprehensive maps for the French market. This French project as well as the work of later Jesuits like Joseph Tief[f]enthaler (1710–85) proved highly important for English efforts to map India like those of James Rennell (1742–1830).23

B. The Frontiers of the French, Spanish, and Portuguese Empires in the Americas

1 New France

In contrast with the Ming and Qing empires, where Jesuits had direct access to woodblock printing presses and Chinese map archives, cartography in the French and Spanish empires was centralized in manuscript archives in Seville and Paris and printed in Antwerp, Leuven, and Paris, resulting in less collaboration by the missionaries themselves. In the Americas, Jesuit mapping took place mostly on the frontiers of empire. Because they played an important role in mapping the Great Lakes and the Mississippi, French Jesuit cartographers like Claude Allouez (1622–89), Claude Dablon (1619–97), Jacques Marquette (1637–75), and Jean-Baptiste Franquelin (1650–c.1700) were the first to receive attention by historians in the nineteenth century, even before interest in the work of Ricci and the China mission developed.24 The historiography of French Jesuit cartographers begins with the work of the famous nineteenth-century American historian Francis Parkman, who in an appendix to the third volume of his France and England in North America (1869) gave a short history of French Jesuit cartography. Parkman was followed by the much more extensive accounts by Henry Harrisse (1872) and Justin Winsor.25 This historiography helped inspire the English translation and publication of the Jesuit relations about New France in 1894, which relied upon and greatly expanded the relatively scarce 1858 Quebec edition of the Jesuit relations.26 These Jesuit maps, especially those related to the United States, became important for state geographers from the early twentieth century in identifying place names that had Native American origins.27

Recent literature on French Jesuits has gone from an emphasis on expertise to highlighting their role in empire building. A large amount of discovery literature makes reference to Jesuit cartographic efforts, especially in relation to the mapping of the Great Lakes and Mississippi Basin.28 A map discovered among the papers of Jacques Marquette, thought by some to be a forgery, emerged as a kind of flashpoint over the question of how important French Jesuit cartography actually was.29 Some effort has been made to use Jesuit maps to find the locations of the actual missions.30 More recent accounts, such as those of Michael Witgen and Jean-François Palomino, tend to see Jesuit cartography as going hand in glove with the imperial efforts of the French state, as an effort to simplify Native American identities and display French mastery of them.31 Others have described more complex and layered motivations of Jesuit cartographers.32

2 The Spanish Americas

Exploring the Casiquiare canal, which connects the Orinoco and Negro Rivers and thus the Orinoco and Amazon Basins, Alexander von Humboldt wrote of how, “the missionaries [the Jesuits], who were then [in 1760], as they are at present, the only geographers of most of the inland parts of the continents.”33 Despite early interest in the Jesuit cartographers of the Spanish and Portuguese empires, the historiography of their efforts took longer to develop. While the Spanish crown showed interest in indigenous cartography, especially with the Relaciones geográficas (1577–86) that were conducted at the same time Ricci and Ruggeri began their mapping projects in China, Jesuits were not involved.34 The Jesuit naturalist and geographer José de Acosta (1540–1600) does not seem to have had a strong interest in cartography when compiling his De natura novi orbis (Salamanca, 1588) or the enlarged Historia natural y moral de las Indias (Seville, 1590), even though he played an important role in debates about the physical connection between Asia and the Americas and used his work as well as his Ortelius’s atlas to critique Ptolemy (d.160 CE) and other classical geographers.35​ Alonso de Ovalle’s (1603–51) “Tabula geographica Regni Chile” (Rome, 1646), composed in 1641, was perhaps the first map to appear in a text that followed Acosta’s approach to natural history. It celebrated the 1641 peace conference during the Arauco War between Francisco López de Zúñiga, Marquis de Baides, and Antehueno, the spokesman for the Mapuche toqui Lincopinchon, and more generally Baides’s support for Jesuit missionary efforts in Chile.36

Jesuit cartography in the Spanish Americas thus began in the mid- to late- seventeenth century, as Jesuit missionaries pushed southward into Chile; northward into Sonora, Sinaoloa (Pimería Alta), and Baja California under Eusebio Kino (1645–1711) and others; and into the upper Amazon and Orinoco under Samuel Fritz (1654–c.1725/30). It continued to develop in the eighteenth century with the Jesuit reducciones de indios along the “triple frontier” of Paraguay, Brazil, and Argentina (including Bolivia and Uruguay). Historiographical interest in this Jesuit mapping of the Spanish Americas began among Jesuit historians working in Argentina and Spain during the 1900s and 1910s.37 A number of missionary maps of Central and South America were exhibited in a pavilion in the Vatican gardens in 1925, in one of the first efforts to comprehensively collect and display them.38 But more rigorous studies of the archives only appeared with Guillermo Fúrlong Cárdiff’s Cartografía jesuítica del Río de la Plata (1936) and Ernest Burrus’s La obra cartográfica de la Provincia mexicana de la Compañía de Jesús (1967), landmark works designed to show the variety of mapmaking in both areas. Digging in a variety of archives, Cárdiff found 98 Jesuit maps of the River Plate region between 1647 and 1798, while Burrus identified 36 Jesuit mapmakers working between 1600 and 1794 in northern Mexico.39 As Burrus noted, most of these maps were manuscripts that accompanied reports that acted as summary illustrations for superiors, and for the Jesuits who made them, they were also tools, “For the Jesuit cartographer a map was an instrument to help him in his work.”40

Perhaps because Jesuits were clearly more independent from imperial designs in the Spanish and Portuguese empires than in the French, the historiography has subsequently developed along more nuanced lines, although still emphasizing similar themes of enlightenment and empire.41 There has also been an attentiveness in the scholarship on Philippine Jesuit cartographers, described previously in the section on the China mission and Asia, to connections between Philippine Jesuit cartography and Jesuit cartography in the Spanish Americas.

C. Europe and the Jesuit Educational Program

Somewhat paradoxically, given the extensive scholarship on Jesuit cartography in the rest of the world, the Jesuit contribution to terrestrial mapping in Europe is still not very well understood. The development of Jesuit science was profoundly spatial in nature. Two figures stand out in Europe who were not themselves cartographers but contributed to making cartography a significant element in Jesuit practice. Clavius was not only Ricci’s teacher at the Collegio Romano but the fountainhead of a vast number of works by Jesuit geometers, 631 by the count of Carlos Sommervogel.42 Acosta, notably in his De natura Novi Orbis / De procuranda indorum salute (Seville and Salamanca: 1588, 1589) and Historia natural y moral de las Indias (Seville: 1590), developed what Anthony Pagden called “comparative ethnology” and indeed universal history as ways explaining how the Americas were populated through migration from Asia.43 Acosta who began his work in Lima, Peru and later became the rector of the Jesuit college in Salamanca in Spain, had like Clavius a broad influence not only among the Jesuits but also for broader Baroque and Enlightenment understandings of culture and “mores” (customs). Acosta began his Historia natural with a critique of Ptolemy and the classical tradition, which “knewe not the halfe,” setting up the basis for a broad reassessment of both geography and mapping practices44 By the 1590s, therefore, the stage was set in Europe for a flourishing of Jesuit cartography in both schools and in practice. However, neither Clavius nor Acosta had suggested the teaching of or themselves practiced cartography.

A second element of this flourishing was an emphasis on the globe itself as a kind of overarching metaphor. Both the Ratio studiorum (1599) curriculum and Athanasius Kircher’s diagrammatic “Horoscopium catholicum Societatis Iesv” (from Ars magna lucis et umbrae [Rome: Hermann Scheus, 1646]) suggested the importance of geography and the globe (or “sphere”) as ways of organizing the world and its multiplicity of languages. This was an education appropriate for an organization that relied upon a global network or what Steve Harris has called a “geography of knowledge.”45 As was the case with mathematics, in which the main suggestion was to teach Euclid, the Ratio said little about the content of such education aside from Giovanni de Sacrobosco’s De sphaera mundi (c.1220).46 Geography itself seems to have been a technique for making geometry lessons interesting and meaningful.

Despite the fact that these early developments took place in Spain and the Italian states, it would be in France that Jesuit education, and in particular education in cartography, developed in the seventeenth century.47 A notable early example was Philippus Brietus (Philippe Briet, 1601–68), who taught geography both at Rouen and at the Collège de Clermont in Paris.48 Not surprisingly, as Jesuit education in cartography developed, more Jesuit cartographers or cartographers trained by Jesuits played important roles in the development of French cartography more generally as was the case with Nicolas Sanson (1600–67), Claude Delisle (1644–1720), and d’Anville.  There also may have been some indirect influence on the mapmakers Willem and Joan Blaeu (1571–1638, 1596–1673), who in addition to maps and atlases published the work of the Antwerp Bollandists and Cologne Jesuits as well as that of Martino Martini and Athanasius Kircher.49 The first atlas of the Jesuit order itself emerged in France under the editorship of Louis Denis in 1764, precisely because of what Lucia Nuti has called “cultural and technical maturity.”50

Beyond terrestrial cartography, Jesuits played a leading and well-documented role, often through their work in observatories, in mapping sunspots, the moon, planets and stars as well as physical features of the ocean, especially in the seventeenth century. From Rome and Ingolstadt, Christoph Scheiner (c.1573–1650) and Johann Baptist Cysatus (1586–1657) worked with a network of Jesuits in Lisbon, Freiburg, Parma and the Caribbean for the sunspot maps in the book Rosa ursina (1631), having disputes with Galileo. Charles Malapert (1581–1630) and Simon Peruvius (c.1580–1656) did similar work at Kalisz in Poland. Scheiner (1614), Malapert (1619) as well as Giuseppe Biancani (1619) all included maps of the moon in their cosmographic works. Yet it was another sunspot watcher, Giovanni Battista Riccioli (1598–1671) and his collaborator Francesco Grimaldi (1618–63) whose moon drawing has proven the most influential.  It accompanied a large number of celestial maps and diagrams in the Almagestum novum (1651).51 Following Tycho Brahe’s lead, Christoph Grienberger was a pioneer in star chart atlases (1612) along with his colleague Orazio Grassi (1619) at the Collegio Romano, while the star atlas of Ignace-Gaston Pardies, published posthumously in France in 1674, proved important for both atlases and celestial globes.52 Athanasius Kircher’s map of ocean currents (1665), while fanciful in claiming they were caused by volcanoes, was nevertheless the first of its kind.53

By the eighteenth century, thanks to fruitful work in the Jesuit schools and by Jesuit scientists, localized practices began to diverge substantially.  Early eighteenth-century Jesuit classrooms in Coimbra included azulejos tiles depicting diagrams from André Tacquet’s edition of Euclid and a world map by Joan Blaeu.54 The English Jesuit Thomas Lawson developed textbooks for teaching geography while residing at Bruges.55 The first Catholic atlas, Atlas novus (1702–10), was made by the Jesuit Heinrich Scherer (1628–1704) at Munich. Scherer was the teacher of Eusebius Kino while at Ingolstadt. He thus helped spur cartography in the Americas, and the atlas itself influenced the development of a kind of Enlightenment cartography among Jesuits, especially those working for absolutist princes.56 The unfinished work of Carlos Martínez (1710–64) and Claudio de la Vega y Terán (1680–1748) at the Imperial College of Madrid for creating a comprehensive map of Spain later proved essential for Tomás López de Vargas Machuca (1730–1802) Atlas geográfico de España (Madrid: 1802).57 Likewise, Johann Baptist Zauchenberg (n.d.) and Carl Andrian (1680–1745) in the early eighteenth century at Graz and Joseph Liesganig (1719–99) and Maximilian Hell (1720–92) in the second half of the eighteenth century in Vienna spurred the development of cartography in Habsburg Austria.58 Roger Boscovich (1711–87) became the most famous cartographer of the Papal States, and his correspondence reached across Europe.59 At the time of the suppression from 1773, Jesuit cartography was already interwoven with broader trends in the Enlightenment in Europe as well as Asia and the Americas. At least some former Jesuits could continue with their own work in local contexts.60

III.  Abolition and Reestablishment: Jesuit Missions and Observatories in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries

Jesuit cartography did not end because of the papal suppression (1773) and restoration (1814) of the order. If anything, cartography became an even more important aspect of Jesuit identity as a way of demonstrating coherence and relevance in the face of cultural and religious challenges. One of the first of the new Jesuit missions was in Ottoman Syria (1831–64), where Jesuits practiced as Chantal Donzel-Verdeil argues, a “confessional geography” in which Christian minority communities were portrayed as under siege and needing refuge and new spaces.61 After the Kulturkampf and Jesuits Law (1872) in Germany, Jesuits such as Oscar Werner revived the cartographic project of Catholic atlas making.62 The culmination of this was perhaps the Atlas Geographicus Societatis Jesu (Paris: George Colombier, 1900) by Louis Carrez (1833–1920).63 These efforts occurred simultaneously with the first significant historical accounts of Jesuit cartography.64

The most important cartographic contribution of the Jesuits in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries emerged from a series of observatories built around the world, which became key centers for data collection at the time when national governments had just begun to take on this task.  By 1910, there were twenty-four Jesuit observatories had been established, including Georgetown in Washington, DC (1841–1972), Tananarive in Madagascar (1864–1923), Manila in the Philippines (1865–1942, rebuilt 1948), Xujiahui in Shanghai, China (Sicawei, Zikawei, 1872–), and Ksara in Lebanon (1902/1907–79).  Because of communication and travel made possible by the industrial revolutions, the observatories were not only in contact with each other but also with global scientific efforts. Astronomical, geophysical, meteorological, hydrological, ethnographic and linguistic maps emerged out of these centers.65 Manila in particular became an important center of research on geophysical activity and typhoons, and publications frequently included data-driven maps.66 Ethnography and ethnographic mapping also became important. Although linguistics had been a topic of missionary interest from the earliest days of the Jesuit order, Gaston Valn Bluck’s Les recherches linguistiques au Congo belge (1948) may have been the first true linguistic map by a Jesuit.67

After the decline of Jesuit observatories in the 1970s, only isolated examples of Jesuit cartography appear.  Perhaps the most significant were the works of Ricardo Falla, working with indigenous people to document massacres in Guatemala during the late 1970s and early 1980s.68 The work took place with refugees in Mexico as well as in the liberation theology settlement of Ixcán.  On a very different scale, the “Global Network of Jesuit Schools” (2015) map by Educate Magis, an Irish company that includes no Jesuit cartographers but works with the Secretariat for Education and the International Commission on the Apostolate of Jesuit Education (ICAJE).69 Their goal was to give a sense of the vast extent of contemporary Jesuit educational activities, including 805 Jesuit schools, 1,343 Fe y alegría schools and eighty-three projects of the Jesuit Refugee Service (JRS). The map as a tool for defining global educational networks and the map as a tool for dialogue with indigenous peoples remain common themes drawn from the long history of Jesuit cartographic efforts.  In both of these cases, however, the culture of Jesuit mapmaking has moved to the margins of the Jesuit order itself, involving increasingly lay efforts to create a world picture of both the mission and activities of the Jesuits in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries.

IV. Conclusion

Over the past thirty years, two major debates have dominated the historiography of Jesuit cartography. One concerned the intentional as opposed to accidental nature of the Jesuit cartographic enterprise. Was it part of a grand missionary plan as Harley suggested? Intention (intendere) is an important part of Catholic doctrine derived in part from Aristotelian ideas of ends, with cartography being a kind of means. This debate has been in the last three decades largely overshadowed by one concerning the religious versus imperial (state building) motivations of Jesuit cartographers. As this essay has shown, these debates have devolved into discussions of regional patterns and individual efforts. The best and most recent scholarship has tried to take a step back and to examine Jesuit cartographic efforts as entangled in particular and overlapping circumstances, institutions, individuals, and collective enterprises.70

Moving forward, it has become clear that greater attention needs to be paid to the maps themselves, in their materiality, in their various states, in the data they contain, and in their status as “epistemic things.” Jesuit maps remain rich artifacts. Even today they help define both the historical traces of indigenous peoples as well as the imagined communities of nations.71 The French Jesuit historian Michel de Certeau (1925–86) held fast to the distinction between maps as distancing abstractions and the rhythms and itineraries of everyday life, the map and the territory. But he also understood the Jesuits themselves as split between a modernizing of “civil practices” and working within actual localized places of Christian social life.72 Perhaps the enduring power of Jesuit maps lies precisely in these splits, emblematic of early modern objects as well as subjects. They reveal the complex and often vast desires, unconscious navigations, and localized adaptations that emerged during an historical period of profound change for almost everyone living on the planet, indeed a period of profound change for the planet itself.


1 John Brian Harley, “The Map as Mission: Jesuit Cartography as an Art of Persuasion,” in Jane ten Brink Goldsmith et al., Jesuit Art in North American Collections (Milwaukee: Haggerty Museum of Art, 1991), 28–30; and more recently Sumathi Ramaswamy, Terrestrial Lessons: The Conquest of the World as Globe (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2017), 20. Around the same time, at a 1992 Loyola conference, David Buisseret argued that the prominence of Jesuits as mapmakers was conversely “a sort of accident” resulting from the emphasis on geography, cartography, and mathematics in Jesuit education. “Jesuit Cartography in Central and South America,” in Joseph Gagliano and Charles Ronan, ed., Jesuit Encounters in the New World (Rome: IHSI, 1997), 113–62, here 162.

2 Peter Sloterdijk, Sphären II, Globen, Makrosphärologie (Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 1999). See also Luke Clossey, Salvation and Globalization in the Early Jesuit Missions (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), esp. 68–113, “Imagining the Global Mission” and “Space, Time, and Truth in the Jesuit Psychology.” Clossey notes that “the ending of time and the filling of space coloured the Jesuit mentality” (113).  Miguel de Asúa makes a similar argument in his chapter on maps in Science in the Vanished Arcadia: Knowledge of Nature in the Jesuit Missions of Paraguay and Rió de la Plata (Leiden: Brill, 2014), 164–210.  In an early essay, Anne Godlewska described Jesuit cartography as part of a broader European “modernity”—both in terms of imperialism and anthropology and sociology. “The Fascination of Jesuit Cartography,” in Gagliano and Ronan, eds., Jesuit Encounters, 111. Godlewska took Harley’s place at the 1992 Loyola conference.

3 See the work in the special issue on Jesuit cartography edited by Robert Batchelor, Journal of Jesuit Studies, 6, no. 1 (2019).

4 The previously cited work of Luke Clossey and Miguel de Asúa are exceptional in this regard.

5 The following historiography of Matteo Ricci’s cartography is listed chronologically. John Frederick Baddeley, “Matteo Ricci’s Chinese World-Maps, 1584–1608,” Geographical Journal 50, no. 4 (October 1917): 254–70, (accessed December 18, 2018), which reprinted the Royal Geographic Society’s copy of the Ricci Map; Edward Heawood, “The Relationships of the Ricci Maps,” Geographical Journal 50, no. 4 (October 1917): 271–76, (accessed December 18, 2018); Lionel Giles, “Translations from the Chinese World Map of Father Ricci,” Geographical Journal 52, no. 6, 53, no. 1 (December 1918; January 1919): 367–85, 19–30; Hong Weilian (William Hung), “Kao Li Madou de shijie ditu zhuan hao,” and Chen Guangsheng (Kenneth Ch’en), “Li Madou dui Zhongguo dilixue zhi gongxian ji qi yinxiang,” Yugong 5, no. 3–4 (April 1936): 1–50, 51–72; Pasquale d’Elia, Il mappamondo cinese del P. Matteo Ricci S.J. (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1938); Kenneth Ch’en, “A Possible Source for Ricci’s Notices on Regions Near China,” T’oung pao 34 (1938): 179–90; Kenneth Ch’en, “Matteo Ricci’s Contribution to, and Influence on, Geographical Knowledge in China,” Journal of the American Oriental Society 59, no. 3 (1939): 325–59; Ayusawa Shintaro, “Mateo Ritchi no sekaizu ni kansuru shiteki kenkyu,” Yokohama shiritsu daigaku kiyo 18 (1953): 1–239; Bolesław Szcześniak, “Matteo Ricci’s Maps of China,” Imago mundi 11, no. 1 (1954): 127–36; Pasquale d’Elia, “Frammenti di due antiche carte cinesi presso l’Osservatorio Astronomico di Bologna,” Coelum 26 (1958): 41–50; Pasquale d’Elia, “Recent Discoveries and New Studies, 1938–1960, on the World Map in Chinese of Father Matteo Ricci,” Monumenta Serica 20 (1961): 82–164; Helen Wallis, “The Influence of Father Ricci on Far Eastern Cartography,” Imago mundi 19 (1965): 38–45; Funakoshi Akio, “Konyo bankoku zenzu to sakoku Nihon: Sekai teki shaken no seiritsu,” Toho gakuho 41 (1970): 595–710; Zhou Kangxie, Li Madou yan jiu lun ji (Hong Kong: Chongwen shudian, 1971); Funakoshi Akio, “Zaika Iezusu kaishi sakusei chizu to sakoku jidai no chizu: ‘Konyo bankoku zenzu,’ ‘Kôkizu’ no hyôka, jûrai no kenkyû hōhō o meggute,” Jimbun-chiri 24, no. 2 (1972): 187–207; Marcel Destombes, “Une carte chinoise du XVIe siècle découverte à la Bibliothèque Nationale,” Journal asiatique 262 (1974): 193–212; William Hung, Hung Ye lunxue ji (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1981): 174–78; Marcel Destombes, “Wang Pan, Liang Chou et Matteo Ricci: Essai sur la cartographie chinoise de 1593 à 1603,” in Actes du IIIe colloque international de sinology, Chantilly 1980: Appréciation par l’Europe de la tradition chinoise (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1983): 47–65; Lin Tongyang, “Li Madou de shi jie di tu ji qi dui Ming mo shi ren she hui de ying xiang,” in Lo Kuang, ed., Collected Essays of the International Symposium on Chinese-Western Cultural Interchange in Commemoration of the 400th Anniversary of the Arrival of Matteo Ricci, S.J. in China (Taipei: Fu Jen Catholic University Press, 1983), 311–78; Theodore Foss, “La cartografia di Matteo Ricci,” in Maria Cigliano, Atti del convegno internazionale di studi ricciani, Macerata –Roma (Macerata: Centro Studi Ricciani, 1984), 177–95; Minako Debergh, “La carte du monde de P. Matteo Ricci (1602) et sa version coréenne (1708) conservée à Osaka,” Journal asiatique 274 (1986): 417–54; Kawamura Hirotada, “Osutoria kokuritsu toshokan shozo no Mateo Ritchi sekaizu ‘Konyo Bankoku Zenzu,’” Jimbun-chiri 40, no. 5 (1988): 403–23; John Day, “The Search for the Origins of the Chinese Manuscript of Matteo Ricci’s Maps,” Imago mundi 47 (1995): 94–117; Wang Mianhou, “Lun Li Madou ‘Kun yu wan guo quan tu’ he ‘Liang yi xuan lan tu’ shang de xu ba ti shi,” in Cao Wanru, Zhongguo gu dai ditu ji: Ming dai (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1995), 107–11; Oda Takeo and Akiyama Motohide, ‘Kun yu wan guo quan tu’: Miyagiken toshokan zō Ri Matō ‘Konyo bankoku zenzu’ bessatsu kaisetsu (Kyoto: Rinsen shoten, 1997); John Day and Yu Dong, “The mappamundi of Matteo Ricci,” in Jorge Mejía et al., eds., Collectanea in honorem Rev.mi patris Leonardi Boyle, O.P. septuagesimum quintum annum feliciter complentis (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1998), 707–32; Unno Kazutaka, “Min Shin ni okeru Mateo Ritchi kei sekaizu: Shu to shite shin shiryô no kentô,” in Unno, Tōzai chizu bunka kōshōshi kenkyū (Osaka: Seibundo, 2003); Huang Shijian and Gong Yingyan, Li Madou shijie ditu yanjitu (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2004); Unno Kazutaka, “Li Madou 'Kun yu wan guo quan tu' no sho han (Ri Matō 'Konyo bankoku zenzu' no sho han),” Toyo gakuho 87, no. 1 (June 2005): 101–43; Yang Yulei, “Li Madou shijie ditu chuan ru han guo ji qi ying xiang,” Zhongguo li shi di lie lun cong 20, no. 1 (2005): 91–98; Margherita Redaelli, Il mappamondo con la Cina al centro: Fonti antiche e mediazione culturale nell’opera di Matteo Ricci (Pisa: Edizine ETS, 2007); Jennifer Purtle, “Scopic Frames: Devices for Seeing China, c. 1640,” Art History 33, no. 1 (January 2010): 54–73; Zhou Yunzhong, “Li Madou ‘Yu tu zhi’ yi wen kao shi ji qi ta,” Ziran kexue shiyan jiu 29, no. 4 (2010): 437–55; Philippe Pelletier, “Une innovation majeure: La cartographie de Matteo Ricci; La conception géographique riccienne; Les impacts de la cartographie riccienne,” L'Extrême-Orient: L'invention d'une histoire et d'une géographie (Paris: Gallimard, 2011), 326–54; Li Zhaoliang, Kun yu wan guo quan tu jie mi: Ming dai ce hui shi jie (Taipei: Lianjing, 2012); Ann Waltner, “The Map of Matteo Ricci: Some Preliminary Observations,” Chinese Cross Currents 9, no. 3 (July 2012): 80–89; Gianni Criveller, “Did Ricci Put China at the Centre of His World Map,” Chinese Cross Currents 9, no. 3 (July 2012): 90–95; Wang Yongjie, “Li Madou, Ai Rulue shi jie di tu suo ji ze chuan shuo kao bian,” Zhongguo lishi di li lun cong 28, no. 3 (July 2013): 124–41; Filippo Mignini, ed. La cartografia di Matteo Ricci (Roma: Libreria dello Stato, 2013); Zou Zhenhuan, “Shu fang yi shou yu Zhong Xi dui hua: 'Kun yu wan guo quan tu' zhong de hai lu dong wu,” Li Qingxin, ed., Haiyang shi yan jiu 7 (Beijing: Shehui kexue wenxian chubanshe, 2015), 292–333; Natasha Reichle, China at the Center: Ricci and Verbiest World Maps (San Francisco: Asian Art Museum, 2016); Hsu Kuang-tai, “Ming mo Qing chu xi fang shi jie di tu zai di hua: Xiong Mingyu Kun yu wan guo quan tu yu Xiong Renlin Yu di quan tu kao xi,” Qinghua xuebao 46, no. 2 (2016): 319–58; Song Gang, “Relocating the ‘Middle Kingdom’: A Seventeenth-Century Chinese Adaptation of Ricci’s World Map,” in Martijn Storms et al., Mapping Asia: Cartographic Encounters Between East and West (Cham, Switzerland: Springer, 2019): 185–206; Roderich Ptak, “The ‘Land of Dogs’ on Ricci’s World Map,” Monumenta Serica 66, no. 1 (2018): 71–89.  Notable biographies and relevant work on the life of Ricci include Henry Yule, “Matteo Ricci,” Encyclopedia Britannica, 9th edition (Edinburgh: A. & C. Black, 1886), 20:536–37; Katharine Renich, “The Life and Methods of Matteo Ricci, Jesuit Missionary to China, 1582–1610” (MA thesis, University of Illinois, 1914); Henri Bernard, Le père Matthieu Ricci et la société chinoise de son temps, 1552–1610 (Tianjin: Hautes Études, 1937); Cao Wanru et al., “Zhongguo xian cun Li Madou shi jie di tu de yan jiu,” Wenwu 12 (1983): 57–70; Jonathan Spence, The Memory Palace of Matteo Ricci (New York: Viking, 1984); Chen Weiping and Li Chunyong, Xu Guangqi ping zhuan (Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chu ban she, 2006); Michela Fontana, Matteo Ricci: A Jesuit in the Ming Court (Boulder: Rowman and Littlefield, 2010), orig. Matteo Ricci: Un gesuita alla corte dei Ming (Milan: Le Scie, 2005); Chen Hui-hung, “The Human Body as a Universe: Understanding Heaven by Visualization and Sensibility in Jesuit Cartography in China,” Catholic Historical Review 93, no. 3 (July 2007): 517–52; Gianni Criveller and César Guillén-Nuñez, Portrait of a Jesuit: Matteo Ricci (Macao: Ricci Institute, 2010); Christopher Shelke and Demichele Mariella, eds., Matteo Ricci in China: Inculturation through Friendship and Faith (Rome: Gregorian and Biblical University Press, 2010); Ronnie Po-chia Hsia, A Jesuit in the Forbidden City: Matteo Ricci, 1552–1610 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010); Qiong Zhang, “Matteo Ricci’s World Maps in Late Ming Discourse of Exotica,” Horizons: Seoul Journal  Of Humanities 1, no. 2 (December 2010): 215–50; Mary Laven, Mission to China: Matteo Ricci and the Encounter with the East (London: Faber and Faber, 2011); Zou Zhenhuan, Wan Ming Han wen xi xue jing dian: Bian yi, quan shi, liu chuan yu ying xiang (Shanghai: Fudan daxue chubanshe, 2011); Song Liming, Shen fu de xin Zhuang: Li Madou zai zhongguo, 1582–1610 (Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 2011); Gianni Criveller, “Matteo Ricci’s Demise as Narrated in His First Chinese Biography (1630),” Chinese Cross Currents 9, no. 2 (April 2012): 90–103; Isabelle Landry-Deron, ed., La Chine des Ming et de Matteo Ricci (Paris: Institut Ricci, 2013); Haun Saussy, “Matteo Ricci the Daoist,” in Qian Suoqiao, Cross-cultural Studies: China and the World; A Festschrift in Honor of Professor Zhang Longxi (Leiden: Brill, 2015), 176–93; Florin-Stefan Morar, “The Westerner: Matteo Ricci’s World Map and the Quandaries of European Identity in the Late Ming Dynasty,” Journal of Jesuit Studies 6, no. 1 (2019): 14–30. References to Ricci can also be found in scholarship footnoted elsewhere in this article.

6 Qiong Zhang, Making the New World Their Own: Chinese Encounters with Jesuit Science in the Age of Discovery (Leiden: Brill, 2015), esp. “Mapping a Contact Zone,” 27–87.

7 On the role of world cartography see Angelo Cattaneo, “World Cartography in the Jesuit Mission in China: Cosmography, Theology, Pedagogy,” in Artur K. Wardęga, ed., Education for New Times: Revisiting Pedagogical Models in the Jesuit Tradition (Macau: Macau Ricci Institute, 2014), 71–86. For Jesuit interventions in Chinese geography see Chen Minsun, Geographical Works by Jesuits in Chinese, 1584–1672 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1959); and Clossley, Salvation, 103–10.

8 Wang Qianjin, “The New Discovery of Source Material for Michele Ruggieri’s Atlante della Cina,” Journal of Beijing Administrative College 3 (2013): 120–28; Eugenio Lo Sardo, Atlante della Cina di Michele Ruggieri (Roma: Istituto Poligrafico e Zecca dello Stato, 1993).  The 1606 original, completed after Ruggieri returned to Europe in 1588, is State Archive of Rome, Ms. 493.

9 Cordell D. K. Yee, “Traditional Chinese Cartography and the Myth of Westernization,” in John Brian Harley and David Woodward, eds., The History of Cartography , vol. 2/2: Cartography in the Traditional East and Southwest Asian Societies (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1994), 170–202; Yee, “A Cartography of Introspection: Chinese Maps as Other Than European,” Asian Art 5, no. 4 (Fall 1992): 29–48; Theodore N. Foss, “A Western Interpretation of China: Jesuit Cartography,” in Charles Ronan and Bonnie Oh, eds., East Meets West: The Jesuits in China, 1582–1773 (Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1988), 209–50; Foss, “Jesuit Cartography: A Western Interpretation of China,” Review of Culture 21 (1994): 133–56 (with translations in Chinese and Portuguese); Foss, “Cartography,” in Nicolas Standaert, Handbook of Christianity in China , volume 1: 635–1800 (Leiden: Brill, 2000), 752–70; Richard Smith, Chinese Maps. Images of  “All under Heaven” (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996); and Smith, Mapping China and Managing the World: Culture, Cartography, and Cosmology in Late Imperial Times (New York: Routledge, 2013). For the earlier foundational literature see William Huttman, “On Chinese and European Maps of China,” Journal of the Royal Geographic Society of London 14 (1844): 117–27; Henri Bernard, “Les étapes de la cartographie scientifique pour la Chine et les pays voisins depuis le XVIe jusqu’à la fin du XVIIIe siècle,” Monumenta Serica 1 (1935): 428–77; Bolesław Szcześniak, “The Seventeenth-Century Maps of China: An Inquiry into the Compilations of European Cartographers,” Imago mundi 13 (1956): 116–36; Wallis, “Missionary Cartographers to China,” Geographical Magazine 47 (1975): 751–59; Chen Cheng-siang, “The Historical Development of Cartography in China,” Progress in Human Geography 2, no. 1 (1978): 101–20; Lin Tongyang, “Études sur l’introduction des méthodes et des connaissances géographiques européennes en Chine” (PhD diss., Sorbonne, 1982); Cheryl Ann Semans (Northon), “Mapping the Unknown: Jesuit Cartography in China, 1583–1773” (PhD diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1987). On Huttman’s work see Ines Eben von Racknitz, “Mapmakers in China and Europe 1800–1844: The Perspective of William Huttmann, Royal Geographical Society,” in Storms et al. eds., Mapping Asia, 23346. There is also important material in Endymion Wilkinson, Chinese History: A New Manual (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2015); the Ming and Qing volumes (Mingdai and Qingdai) of Cao Wanru et al., eds., Zhongguo gudai ditu ji (Beijing: Cultural Relics Publishing House, 1995 and 1997); Donald Lach, Asia in the Making of Europe (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1965–93); and Joseph Needham, Science and Civilisation in China , volume 3: Mathematics and the Sciences of the Heavens and the Earth (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1959), as well as scattered references throughout the other volumes of Needham. See also the bibliographies in Standaert, ed., Handbook of Christianity in China; and Standaert et al., Bibliography of the Jesuit Mission in China (Leiden: Centre of Non-Western Studies, 1991).

10 On the late Ming work of Giulio Aleni, Sabatino de Ursis (1575–1620), Diego de Pantoja (1571–1618), Manuel Dias (1574–1659), and Nicolò Longobardi (1559–1654) inspired by Ricci see Cheng Fangyi, “‘Pleasing the Emperor’: Revisiting the Figured Chinese Manuscript of Matteo Ricci’s Maps,” Journal of Jesuit Studies 6, no. 1 (2019): 31–43; Gianfranco Cretti and Huang Xiufeng, eds., La Cina nella cartografia da Tolomeo al XVII secolo: I mappamondi di Matteo Ricci e Giulio Aleni (Brescia: Fondazione Civiltà bresciana, 2011); Paolo de Troia, “L’opera geografica di Giulio Aleni e il suo contributo alla formazione del lessico del cinese moderno” (PhD diss., Università La Sapienza, 2003); Bernard Hung-kay Luk, “A Study of Giulio Aleni’s ‘Chih-fang wai chi’ 職方外紀,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 40, no. 1 (1977): 58–84; Helen Wallis and E. D. Grinstead, “A Chinese Terrestrial Globe, A.D. 1623,” British Museum Quarterly 25, nos. 3 and 4 (June 1962): 83–91; Giuseppe Caraci and Marcello Muccioli, “Il mappamondo cinese del padre Giulio Aleni,” Bollettino della R. Società Geografica Italiana 7, no. 3 (1938): 385–426. On Francesco Sambiasi at the Southern Ming court, see Ann Heirman, Paolo de Troia and Jan Parmentier, “Francesco Sambiasi, a Missing Link in European Map Making in China?” Imago mundi 61, no. 1 (2009): 29–46; John V. Mills, “The Sanbiasi [sic] Chinese World-map: A Printed ‘Ricci-type’ Map of the World (Canton, c. 1648),” in A Selection of Previous Manuscripts, Historic Documents, and Rarer books…  from the Renowned Collection of Sir Thomas Phillipps, Robinson Catalogue 81 (London: W. H. Robinson, 1950). An exception would be the local work of Francesco Brancati in the Yangzi Delta, see Noël Golvers, “Jesuit Cartographers in China: Francesco Brancati, S.J., and the Map (1661?) of Sunchiang Prefecture (Shanghai),” Imago mundi 52 (2000): 30–42; and for a Qing example see Mario Cams, “Restituting Church Buildings and Negotiating Church Factions: Missionary Mapmakers and the Making of Local Networks (1712–1716),” Frontiers in the History of China 9, no. 4 (2014): 489–505.

11 On Boym’s maps see Paul Pelliot, “Michel Boym,” T’oung Pao 31 (1935): 95–151; Walter Fuchs, “A Note on Father M. Boym’s Atlas of China,” Imago mundi 9 (1952): 71–72; Szcześniak, “The Atlas and Geographic Description of China: A Manuscript of Michael Boym (1612–1659),” Journal of the American Oriental Society 73, no. 2 (1953): 65–77; Szcześniak, “The Mappa Imperii Sinarum of Michael Boym,” Imago mundi 19 (1965): 113–15; Edward Kajdański, “The Ming Dynasty Map of China (1605) from the Czartorski Library in Poland,” Yves Raguin et al., eds., Echanges culturels et religieux entre la Chine et l'Occident: Actes VII (Paris: Ricci Institute, 1995), 183–90.  On Martini see Henri Bernard, “Les sources mongoles et chinoises de l’atlas Martini (1655),” Monumenta Serica 12 (1947): 127–44; Jan Julius Lodewijk Duyvendak, “Review of Henri Bernard S.J's Les sources mongoles et chinoises de l'atlas Martini, 1655,” T'oung Pao 39, nos. 1 and 3 (1950): 199–203; Giorgio Melis, ed., Martino Martini: Geografo, cartografo, storico, teologo (Trent: Museo Tridentino di Scienze Naturali, 1983); Franco Demarchi and Riccardo Scartezzini, eds., Martino Martini umanista e scienziato nella Cina del secolo XVII (Trent: Università di Trento, 1995); Noël Golvers, “Michael Boym and Martino Martini: A Contrastive Portrait of Two China Missionaries and Mapmakers,” Monumenta Serica 59 (2011): 259–71; Stanislas de Peuter, “Martino Martini’s Jesuit Cartography of the Middle Kingdom,” Brussels International Map Collectors’ Circle Newsletter 39 (2011): 16–24, 40 (2011): 11–17, and 41 (2011): 8–12; and Mario Cams, Companions in Geography: East –West Collaboration in the Mapping of Qing China (c. 1685–1735) (Leiden: Brill, 2017), 15. On D’Anville see John W. O'Malley and Roberto Ribeiro, eds., Jesuit Mapmaking in China: D'Anville's Nouvelle Atlas de la Chine (1737) (Philadelphia: St. Joseph’s University Press, 2014); Isabelle Landry-Deron, La preuve par la Chine: La “Description” de J.-B. du Halde, jésuite, 1735 (Paris: Editions de l'École des hautes études en sciences, 2002); Claudia von Collani, “The Report of Killian Stumpf about the Case of Father Joachim Bouvet,” Zeitschrift für Missionswissenschaft und Religionswissenschaft 83, no. 3 (1999): 231–51, Cams, “The China Maps of Jean-Baptiste Bourguignon d’Anville: Origins and Supporting Networks,” Imago mundi 66, no. 1 (2014): 51–69.

12 Peter Perdue, “Boundaries, Maps, and Movement: Chinese, Russian, and Mongolian Empires in Early Modern Central Eurasia,” The International History Review 20, no. 2 (Jun. 1998): 263–86; Perdue, China Marches West (Harvard: Harvard University Press, 2010), 447–57; Laura Hostetler, Qing Colonial Enterprise : Ethnography and Cartography in Early Modern China (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2001); Florence Hsia, Sojourners in a Strange Land (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009), esp. 77–92; Benjamin Elman, “Ming–Qing Border Defense, the Inward Turn of Chinese Cartography, and Qing Expansion in Central Asia in the Eighteenth Century,” in Diana Lary, The Chinese State at the Borders (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2007), 29–56; Elman, On Their Own Terms: Science in China, 1550–1900 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005); Elman, “The Jesuit Role as ‘Experts’ in High Qing Cartography and Technology,” Taida lishi xuebao 31 (2003): 223–50.

13 Cams, Companions in Geography; Cams, “Not Just a Jesuit Atlas of China: Qing Imperial Cartography and Its European Connections,” Imago mundi 69, no. 2 (2017): 188–201; Matthew Mosca, From Frontier Policy to Foreign Policy: The Question of India and the Transformation of Geopolitics in Qing China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2013); Zhang, Making the New World Their Own; Artur Wardega and Antonio Vasconcelos de Saldanha, eds., In the Light and Shadow of an Emperor: Tomás Pereira, S.J. (1645–1708), the Kangxi Emperor, and the Jesuit Mission in China (Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2012); Catherine Jami, “Kangxi, les mathématiques et l’empire,” Critique 68, no. 779 (April 2012): 329–42. See also more generally Sun Zhe, Kang -Yong-Qian shiqi yutu huizhi yu jiangyu xingcheng yanjiu (Beijing: Zhongguo Renmin Daxue Chubanshe, 2003); Walter Fuchs, “Ueber einige Landkarten mit Mandjurischer Beschriftung,” Manzhou xuebao 2 (1933): 1–17; Fuchs, “Materialien zur Kartographie der Mandjuzeit I,” Monumenta Serica 1, no. 2 (1935): 386–427; Fuchs, “Materialien zur Kartographie der Mandjuzeit I,” Monumenta Serica 3 (1938): 189–231. On the Verbiest map as a kind of transition between Ricci and eighteenth-century Qing mapping projects see Shen Yi’an, “Nan Huairen de Kunyu tushuo yanjiu” (Masters thesis, Foguang University, 2011); Song Gang and Paola Demattè, “Mapping an Acentric World: Ferdinand Verbiest’s Kunyu Quantu,” in Marcia Reed and Demattè, eds., China on Paper (Los Angeles: Getty Research Institute, 2007), 71–88; Wang Qianjin, “Nan Huairen kunyu quantu yanjiu,” in Cao Wanru et al., eds., Zhongguo gudai ditu ji, 3:102–4; Chen Minsun, “Ferdinand Verbiest and the Geographical Works by Jesuits in Chinese, 1584–1674,” in John Witek, ed., Ferdinand Verbiest (Nettetal: Steyler, 1994); Lin Tongyang, “Aperçu sur le mappemonde de Ferdinand Verbiest le K’un-yü-ch’üan-tu,” in Edward Malatesta and Yves Raguin, eds., Succès et échecs de la rencontre Chine et Occident du XVIe au XXe siècle (San Francisco: Ricci Institute, 1993); Minako Debergh, “Cartographie jésuite et perspectives missionnaires,” and “Le Père Verbiest et la cartographie des pays chrétiens: Oeuvres originales et postérité,” in Historiography of the Chinese Catholic Church (Leuven: Ferdinand Verbiest Foundation 1994), 357–63, 364–80; Minako Debergh, “Écrits géographiques et cartes du monde illustrées du P. Verbiest: Transformations de l’image du monde,” L'Europe en Chine: Interactions scientifiques, religieuses et culturelles aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles (Paris: Collège de France, 1993), 206–16; Hartmut Walravens, “Father Verbiest’s Chinese World Map (1674),” Imago mundi 43 (1991): 31–47.  See also Ummo Kazutaka, “Tang Ruowang oyobi Jian Youren no sekaizu ni tsuite,” in Jinbun -Chirigaku no shomondai (Tokyo: Taimeido, 1968), 83–93.  And on Verbiest’s successor Antoine Thomas, see Eugenio Lo Sardo, “Antoine Thomas’s and George David’s maps of Asia,” Willy F. Vande Walle and Noël Golvers, eds., The History of the Relations between the Low Countries and China in the Qing Era (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2003), 75–88; Daniela Dumbrava, “La Tabula geographica Orientis di Antoine Thomas: Note sulla sua genesi storica ed epistemica,” Sulla via del Catai 11 (June 2013): 97–108.

14 A large amount of this literature is devoted to more general questions of the history of science rather than celestial mapping per se, but see Henrique Leitão, “The Contents and Context of Manuel Dias’s Tianwenlüe,” and Rui Magone, “The Textual Tradition of Manuel Dias’ Tianwenlüe,” in Luís Saraiva and Catherine Jami, eds., The Jesuits, the Padroado and East Asian Science (Singapore: World Scientific, 2008), 99–136; Pasquale d’Elia, “The Double Stellar Hemisphere of Johann Schall von Bell,” Monumenta Serica 18 (1959), 328–59; Roman Malek, ed., Western Learning and Christianity in China: The Contribution and Impact of Johann Adam Schall von Bell SJ (1592–1666), Monumenta Serica Monograph Series 35 (Nettetal: Steyler Verlag, 1998); Sun Xiaochun, “On the Star Catalogue and Atlas of Chongzhen Lishu,” in Catherine Jami et al., Statecraft and Intellectual Renewal in Late Ming China (Leiden: Brill, 2001), 311–20; Efthymios Nicolaïdis, “Verbiest, Spathar and Chrysanthos: The Spread of Verbiest’s Science to Eastern Europe,” in Walle and Golvers, eds., History of the Relations, 37–58; Richard Pegg, “The Star Charts of Ignatius Kögler (1680–1746) in the Korean Court,” Journal of Jesuit Studies 6, no. 1 (2019): 44–56; F. Richard Stephenson, “Chinese and Korean Star Maps and Catalogues,” Harley and Woodward, eds., History of Cartography, 2/2:511–78; Joseph Needham, Science and Civilisation in China: Mathematics and the Sciences of the Heavens and the Earth (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1959).

15 Deborah Warner, The Sky Explored: Celestial Cartography, 1500–1800 (New York: A. R. Liss, 1979), 194 (misleadingly labeling Nöel as Czech rather than Walloon); Hsia, Sojourners, esp. chapter 7.

16 See Wallis, “The Influence of Father Ricci”; Evelyn Rawski, Early Modern China and Northeast Asia: Cross -Border Perspectives (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015), 91–96, 101. On Japan see Joseph Loh, “When Worlds Collide: Art, Cartography, and Japanese Nanban World Map Screens” (PhD diss., Columbia University, 2013); Hiro’o Aoyama, “Le mappe geografiche del mondo di Matteo Ricci e il loro influsso sul Giappone in epoca moderna,” in Mignini, ed., Cartografia di Matteo Ricci, 121–37; Maria Yonemoto, Mapping Early Modern Japan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003), 16; Goto Tomoko, Emergent Consciousness about the Self Depicted in the World Maps Screens (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2000); Oji Toshiaki, Echizu no sekaizo (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1996); Ronald Toby, “The ‘Indianness’ of Iberia and Changing Japanese Iconographies of the Other,” in Stuart Schwartz, ed., Implicit Understandings (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 323–51; Funakoshi Akio, Sakoku Nihon ni kita “Koki zu” no chirigakuteki kenkyu (Tokyo: Hosei Daigaku Shuppankyoku, 1996); Marie Jacob, “The Redhaired in Japan: Dutch Influence on Japanese Cartography (1640–1853)” (MA thesis, University of British Columbia, 1983); Funakoshi Akio, “Kon’yo bankoku zenzu to sakoku Nippon,” Toho Gakuho 41 (1970): 595–710; Ayusawa Shintaro, “Geography and Japanese Knowledge of World Geography,” Monumenta Nipponica 19, no. 3–4 (1964): 275–94; Ayusawa, “Mateo Ritchi no sekaizu ni kansuru shiteki kenkyu–Kinsei Nippon ni okeru sekai chiri chishiki no shuryu,” Yokohama shiritsu daigaku kiyo 18 (1953): 404–10; Ayusawa, “The Types of World Map Made in Japan’s Age of National Isolation,” Imago mundi 10 (1953): 123–27.  On Korea see Cheng, “Pleasing the Emperor”; Shi Yunli, “The Yuzhi lixiang kaocheng houbian in Korea,” in Saraiva and Jami, eds., Jesuits, the Padroado and East Asian Science, 208; Han Young-wo, Ahn Hwi-Joon, Bae Woo Sung and Choi Byonghyon, The Artistry of Early Korean Cartography (Larkspur, CA: Tamal Vista, 2008); Soon Mi Hong-Schunka and Roderick Ptak, “Die koreanische Weltkarte in St. Ottilien: Ein Beitrag zur Kartographie des Ferdinand Verbiest,” Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 154, no. 1 (2004): 201–21; Lim Jongtae, “Li Madou cosmografo: Le mappe del mondo di Matteo Ricci nella Corea del tardo periodo Chosôn,” in Mignini, ed., Cartografia di Matteo Ricci, 139–56; Lim Jongtae, “Matteo Ricci’s World Maps in Late Joseon Dynasty,” The Korean Journal for the History of Science 33, no. 2 (2011): 277–96.

17 On de Angelis see Koreto Ashida and Shinichiro Takakura, “Waga kuni ni okeru Hokkaidō hondō chizu no hensen,” Hoppō bunka kenkyū hōkoku 7 (Sapporo: University of Hokkaido, 1942); Kay Kitagawa, “Map of Hokkaido of G. de Angelis, ca. 1621,” Imago mundi 7 (1950): 110–14; Joseph Schütte, “Map of Japan by Father Girolamo de Angelis,” Imago mundi 9 (1952): 73–78; Chohei Kudo, “A Summary of My Studies of Girolamo de Angelis’s Yezo Map,” Imago mundi 10 (1953): 81–86; Hubert Cieslik, ed., Hoppo tankenki: Genna nenkan ni okeru gaikokujin no Ezo hokokusho (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan, 1963). On Gaubil, see Bolesław Szcześniak, “Antoine Gaubil Maps of the Ryukyu Islands and Southern Japan,” Imago mundi 12 (1955): 141–49.

18 On Vietnam see Alexei Volkov, “On Two Maps of Vietnam by Alexandre de Rhodes,” in Luis Saraiva and Catherine Jami, eds., History of Mathematical Sciences: Portugal and East Asia V (Singapore: World Scientific, 2018), 99–118; Harold Meinheit, “Unveiling Vietnam: The Maps of Alexandre de Rhodes,” The Portolan 65 (Spring 2006): 28–41, Barbara Maggs, “Science, Mathematics, and Reason: Missionary Methods of the Jesuit Alexandre de Rhodes in Seventeenth-Century Vietnam,” The Catholic Historical Review 86, no. 3 (July 2000): 439–58.

19 Mirela Altic, “Jesuit Contribution to the Mapping of the Philippine Islands: A Case of the 1734 Pedro Murillo Velarde’s Chart,” in Storms et al., Mapping Asia, 73–94; Ricardo Padrón, “From Abstraction to Allegory: The Imperial Cartography of Vicente de Memije,” in Martin Brückner, ed., Early American Cartographies (Raleigh: University of North Carolina Press, 2011), 35–66; Angel Hidalgo, “Philippine Cartography and the Jesuits,” Philippine Studies 29, no. 3 and 4 (1981): 361–74; Carlos Quirino, Philippine Cartography, 1320–1899, 2nd ed. (Amsterdam: 1963), 45–61; Miguel Selga, “Mapas de Filipinas por el P. Murillo Velarde,” Publications of the Manila Observatory 2, no. 4 (1934): 1–129; Gabriel Marcel, “La carte des Philippines du Père Murillo Velarde,” Bulletin géographie descriptive et historique 1 (1897): 32–54; “Mapa de las Islas Filipinas del P. Pedro Murillo Velarde,” Cartas de los padres de la Compañía de Jesús de la misión de Filipinas 6 (1887): 339–41; Alexandre Coello de la Rosa, Jesuits at the Margins: Missions and Missionaries in the Marianas (1668–1769) (London: Routledge, 2015); Coello de la Rosa, “Gathering Souls: Jesuit Missions and Missionaries in Oceania (1668–1945),” Brill’s Research Perspectives in Jesuit Studies 1, no. 2 (2019); John Gascoigne, Encountering the Pacific in the Age of the Enlightenment (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014).

20 The details of this need further research, but see Robert Batchelor “The Selden Map Rediscovered: A Chinese Map of East Asian Shipping Routes, c.1619,” Imago mundi 65, no. 1 (January 2013), 37–63; and the important critique in terms of provenance of the Jesuit map by Hsu Kuang-Tai, “A Sixteenth-Century Jesuit Map of China: Sinarum Regni aliorumque Regnorum et insularum illi adiacentium description,” in Saraiva and Jami, eds., Portugal and East Asia, 5:81–98.

21 Ines Županov, Missionary Tropics (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2005), 1–5; Županov, Disputed Mission (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999); and Angela Barreto Xavier and Ines G. Županov, Catholic Orientalism : Portuguese Empire, Indian Knowledge (16th–18th Centuries) (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014). See also Ramaswamy, Terrestrial Lessons.

22 Manonmani Restif-Filliozat, “The Jesuit Contribution to the Cartographical Knowledge of India in the Eighteenth Century,” Journal of Jesuit Studies 6, no. 1 (2019): 71–84; James E. McClellan III and François Regourd, The Colonial Machine: French Science and Overseas Expansion in the Old Regime (Turnhout: Brepols, 2011); Rajesh K. Kochhar, “Secondary Tools of Empire: Jesuit Men of Science in India,” Teotonio de Souza, ed. (New Delhi: Concept Publishing, 1994), 175–83.  Dhruv Raina makes the connection between Jesuit ethnography of religion in the Lettres edifiant and Jesuit cosmography in “The French Jesuit Manuscripts on Indian Astronomy,” in Florence Bretelle-Establet, ed., Looking at it from Asia (Dordrecht: Springer, 2010), 115–40, here 121. A number of important early Jesuit maps of India are to be found under the heading “Usages du Royaume de Siam,” BnF, Département Estampes et photographie, PET FOL-OD-55.

23 Michaël Severninck, “Geographical Mapping of India in the 18th Century: The Contribution of the German Jesuit Joseph Tief[f]enthaler (1710–85),” in Anand Amaladass and Ines Županov, eds., Intercultural Encounter and Jesuit Mission in India (16th–18th centuries) (Bangalore: Asian Trading Corporation, 2014), 290–320.  Such Jesuit efforts are downplayed in Matthew Edney, Mapping an Empire: The Geographical Construction of British India, 1765–1843 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997), 133.

24 For a comprehensive listing of these maps in relation the United States see Vincas Steponaitis, “Early Maps of the American Midwest and Great Lakes,” Research Laboratories of Archaeology, UNC Chapel Hill, (accessed December 17, 2018).  Added to this list as possible sources are the Delisle sketches, Nelson-Martin Dawson and Charles Vincent, L’atelier Delisle: l'Amérique du Nord sur la table à dessin (Quebec City: Éditions du Septentrion, 2000).

25 Francis Parkman, France and England in North America: La Salle and the Discovery of the Great West, 3 vols. (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1869), 1:405–10. See also volume 2, The Jesuits in North America in the Seventeenth Century (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1867), which pays little attention to cartography. A more rigorous account appeared in Henry Harrisse, “Cartographie,” in Notes pour servir à l’histoire à la bibliographie et à la cartographie de la Nouvelle France, 1545–1700 (Paris: Tross, 1872); and Justin Winsor, “Joliet, Marquette, and La Salle,” in French Exploration and Settlements in North America, and Those of the Portuguese, Dutch and Swedes, 1500–1700 (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin and Co., 1884), 201–46, which relied heavily on Parkman and Harrisse, as well as Windsor, “Cartography of Louisiana and the Mississippi Basin Under the French Domination,” in Narrative and Critical History of America, 5 vols. (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1887), 5:79–86, published separately as an advance chapter in 1886. See also Nellis Crouse, Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits to the Geographical Knowledge of New France, 1632–1675 (Ithaca: Cornell Publications Printing Co., 1924); and Louise Kellogg, “The French Regime in the Great Lakes Country,” Minnesota History 12, no. 4 (1931): 347–58.

26 Reuben Gold Thwaites, ed., Travels and Explorations of the Jesuit Missionaries in New France, 73 vols. (Cleveland: Burrows Brothers, 1901); Relations des Jesuites (Quebec: Augustin Coté, 1858).

27 See for example Henry E. Legler, “Origin and Meaning of Wisconsin Place-Names: With Special Reference to Indian Nomenclature,” Transactions of the Wisconsin Academy of Sciences 14, no. 1 (1903): 16–39; Sara Tucker, Indian Villages of the Illinois Country (Springfield, IL: Illinois State Museum, 1942); Virgil Vogel, Indian Names in Michigan (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1986); Vogel, Indian Names on Wisconsin’s Map (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1991); Michael McCafferty, Native American Place Names of Indiana (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2008).

28 Expertise is the focus of Louis Karpinski, Bibliography of the Printed Maps of Michigan (Lansing: Michigan Historical Commission, 1931); Jean Delanglez, “Franquelin, Mapmaker,” Mid-America 25 (1943), 29–74; Delanglez, “The Jolliet Lost Map of the Mississippi,” Mid-America 28 (1946), 67–144; Robert Karrow, Mapping the Great Lakes Region: Motive and Method (Chicago: Newberry Library, 1977); Louis de Vorsey, “The Impact of the La Salle Expedition of 1682 on European Cartography,” in Patricia Galloway, La Salle and His Legacy (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1982), 60–80; Kevin Kaufman, ed., The Mapping of the Great Lakes in the Seventeenth Century: Twenty– Two Maps from the George S. & Nancy B. Parker Collection (Providence: The John Carter Brown Library, 1989); Conrad Heidenreich, “Mapping the Great Lakes: The Period of Exploration, 1603–1700,” Cartographica 17, no. 3 (Autumn 1980): 32–64; Heidenreich, “An Analysis of the Seventeenth-Century Map ‘Novvelle France,’” Cartographica 25, no. 3 (1988): 67–111; Heidenreich, “Early French Exploration in the North American Interior,” John Logan Allen, ed., North American Exploration : A Continent Defined (Lincoln, University of Nebraska Press, 1997), 2:65–148, 403–11; Carl Kupfer and David Buisseret,  “Supersizing Lake Superior,”  The Portolan 99 (2017): 49–60; Kupfer and Buisseret, “Seventeenth-Century Jesuit Explorers’ Maps of the Western Great Lakes and Their Influence on the Subsequent Cartography of the Region,” Journal of Jesuit Studies 6, no. 1 (2019): 57–70. See also atlases like William Cumming et al., The Exploration of North America 1630–1776 (New York: G. P. Putnam, 1974); Derek Hayes, Historical Atlas of Canada (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2002); Raymonde Litalien, Denis Vaugeois and Jean-François Palomino, eds., Mapping a Continent: Historical Atlas of North America 1492–1814 (Montreal: McGill University Press, 2007); and Chet Van Duzer and Lauren Beck, eds., Canada before Confederation (Wilmington: Vernon Press, 2017).

29 The Montreal map first appeared with the discovery of Marquette’s papers in 1844, has been disputed as a possible nineteenth-century forgery by Félix Martin (1804–86). See Jean Delanglez, “Marquette’s Autograph Map of the Mississippi River,” Mid-America 27 (1945): 30–35; Lucien Campeau, “Les Cartes relatives a la découverte du Mississipi par le P. Jacques Marquette et Louis Jolliet,” Le cahiers des dix 47 (1992): 41–90. For the forgery case, see Francis Steck, Marquette Legends (New York: Pageant Press, 1960).  For the case that the map is authentic, see Carl Kupfer and David Buisseret, “Validating the 1673 ‘Marquette map,’” Journal of Illinois History 14 (2011): 261–76. The full archive is Archives des Jésuits au Canada, Montreal, H2P1S6.

30 Conrad Heidenreich, “Maps of the Seventeenth Century and Their Use in Determining the Locations of Jesuit Missions in Huronia,” The Cartographer 3, no. 2 (1966): 103–26; Martha Latta, “Identification of the 17th-Century French Missions in Eastern Huronia,” Canadian Journal of Archaeology 9, no. 2 (1985): 147–71.

31 David Buisseret, Mapping the French Empire in North America (Chicago: Newberry Library, 1991); Michael Witgen, An Infinity of Nations: How the Native New World Shaped Early North America (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011), 70–74, 84; and Witgen, “The Rituals of Possession: Native Identity and the Invention of Empire in Seventeenth-Century Western North America,” Ethnohistory 54, no. 4 (2007): 639–68; Jean-François Palomino, “Pratiques cartographiques en Nouvelle-France: La prise en charge de l'État dans la description de son espace colonial à l'orée du xviiie siècle,” Lumen 31 (2012): 21–39; Palomino, “Cartographier la terre des païens: La géographie des missionnaires jésuites en Nouvelle-France au xviie siècle,” Revue de bibliothèque et archives nationales du Québec 4 (2012): 4–113; and Palomino, “De la difficulté de cartographier l’Amérique: Jean Baptiste Louis Franquelin et son projet sur les limites de la Nouvelle-France (1688),” in Nathalie Vuillemin and Thomas Wien, eds., Penser l'Amérique: de l'observation à l'inscription (Oxford: Voltaire Foundation, 2017). By contrast Harley’s focus in “The Map as Mission” (28) on the Roman Jesuit Francesco Bressani’s Novae Franciae accurata delineatio (Macerata: A. Grisei, 1653) suggests more strictly missionary motives in a different European (Rome) and American (Huron) context.  Along those lines, see Louis Cardinal, “Record of an Ideal: Father Francesco Giuseppe Bressani's 1657 Map of New France,” The Portolan 61 (Winter 2004–5): 13–28.

32 Leonardo Anatrini, “Between Scientific Research, Mnemotechnic Tradition and Evangelical Mission: The Role of Francesco Giuseppe Bressani S.J. in the History of Canadian Cartography,” in Fabio D’Angelo, ed. The Scientific Dialogue Linking America, Asia and Europe between the 12th and 20th Century (Naples: Viaggiatori, 2018), 324–52; François Paré, “Fonctions de l’espace chez trois missionnaires français de la région des Grands Lacs au XVIIe siècle,” Oltreoceano 14 (2018), 69–81.

33 Alexander von Humboldt and Aimé Bonpland, Personal Narrative of Travels to the Equinoctial Regions of the New Continent during the Years 1799–1804, trans. Helen Williams (London: Longman, 1821), 5:494–95.

34 See Barbara Mundy, The Mapping of New Spain: Indigenous Cartography and the Maps of the Relaciones geográficas (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996)

35 The first edition of Acosta with maps was the German translation, Geographische und historische Beschreibung der uberauß grosser Landschaft America… Gar artig, und nach der kunst in XX. Mappen oder Landtaffeln verfasset, und jetzt newlich in Kupffer gestochen, und an tag gegeben (Cologne: Johann Christoffel, 1598), published with twenty maps derived from Cornelis van Wytfliet, Descriptionis Ptolemaicae augmentum (Leuven: Joannes Bogardus, 1597), a text dedicated to Philip III of Spain (r.1598–1621).  See Peter Meurer, “Cartography in the German Lands, 1450–1650,” in David Woodward, ed., History of Cartography , volume 3/2: Cartography in the European Renaissance (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007), 1172–245, here 1235; Meurer, Atlantes Colonienses: Die Kölner Schule der Atlaskartographie, 1570–1610 (Bad Neustadt an der Saale: Pfaehler, 1988), 47–53; and Rudolf Kroboth and Peter Meurer, eds., Das Gold des Kondors: Berichte aus der Neuen Welt, 1590 (Stuttgart: Erdmann, 1991).

36 Andrés Prieto, Missionary Scientists: Jesuit Science in Spanish South America, 1570–1810 (Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University Press, 2011), 208; Oswald Dreyer-Eimbcke, “Alonso de Ovalle und die Anfänge der Kartographie Chiles,” Speculum orbis 2 (1986): 75–88. See also “Carta geográfica del Reino de Chile,” from Histórica Relación del Reyno de Chile (Roma: Francisco Cavallo, 1646), World Digital Library, (accessed December 18, 2018).

37 Vicente Gambon, A través de la misiones guaraníticas (Buenos Aires: Angel Estrada y Cia, 1904); José Sánchez Labrador, El Paraguay católico (Buenos Aires: Coni Hermanos, 1910–17); Miguel Barquero, Algunos trabajos de los misioneros jesuitas en la cartografía colonial española (Barcelona: Morta, 1914); Pablo Hernández, Organización social de las doctrinas guaraníes de la Compañía de Jesús, 2 vols. (Barcelona: Gustavo Gili, 1913); Pablo Pastells, Historia de la Compañía de Jesús en la Provincia del Paraguay, 2 vols. (Madrid: V. Suárez, 1912, 1915).

38 See the volumes ARSI, Hist. Soc. 150, I, that are referenced in “Maps of the Jesuit Mission in Spanish America, 18th Century,” Imago mundi 15 (1960): 114–18.

39 Guillermo Fúrlong Cárdiff, Cartografía jesuítica del Río de la Plata (Buenos Aires: Peuser, 1936), 1:8–9; Fúrlong Cárdiff, “Cartografía colonial,” in Ricardo Levene, ed., Historia de la nación argentina 4, no. 2 (Buenos Aires: Academia Nacional de la Historia, 1936–), 168–195, here 193; and Fúrlong Cárdiff, Los jesuítas y la cultura rioplatense (Montevideo: Urta y Curbelo, 1933); Ernest Burrus, La obra cartográfica de la provincia mexicana de la Compañía de Jesús (Madrid: José Porrúa Turanzas, 1967), ix–x. See Asúa, Science in the Vanished Arcadia, 165, who highlights this achievement. Lesmes Frias questions some of Fúrlong Cárdiff’s findings in “Sobre G. Fúrlong Cárdiff, Cartografía jesuítica del Río de la Plata,” AHSI 7 (1938): 308–15; and see the more recent assessment, Maríel López, Clara Mancini and María Marcos, “Mapas jesuíticos e imaginarios geográficos: El territorio de la Quebrada de Humahuaca y su frontera con el Chaco (siglos XVI-XVIII),” Arte, Individuo y Sociedad 29, no. 2 (2017): 247–63.  For the Sonora and Baja California missions see Constantino Bayle, Historia de los descubrimientos y colonización de los padres de la Compañía de Jesús en la Baja California (Madrid: Suárez, 1933); and Herbert Bolton, Rim of Christendom: A Biography of Eusebio Francisco Kino, Pacific Coast Pioneer (New York: Russell and Russell, 1936); Ernest Burrus, Kino and the Cartography of Northwestern New Spain (Tucson: Arizona Pioneers’ Historical Society, 1965); Burrus, “A Cartographical Mystery in Kino’s Diary,” Neue Zeitschrift für Missionswissenschaft 20 (1964): 109–15; Burrus, Kino and Manje : Explorers of Sonora and Arizona (St. Louis, MO: St. Louis University / Rome: Jesuit Historical Institute, 1971). For Samuel Fritz, see Fritz, Journal of the travels and labours of Father Samuel Fritz (London: Hakluyt Society, 1922). Much of the work of Cárdiff and Burrus was summarized in David Buisseret’s assessment of the field, “Jesuit cartography in Central and South America,” in Galiano and Ronan, eds., Jesuit Encounters, 113–62. See also José del Rey Fajardo, Apuntes para una historia de la cartografía jesuítica en Venezuela (Caracas: n.p., 1975); Ernest Burrus and Félix Zubillaga, Misiones mexicanas de la Compañía de Jesús, 1618–1745: Cartas e informes conservados en la Colección Mateu (Madrid: Porrúa Turanzas, 1982); José del Rey Fajardo, El aporte de la Javeriana colonial a la cartografía orinoquense (Bogotá: Pontificia Universidad Javeriana, 2003); Martin Morales, ed., “A mis manos han llegado”: Cartas de los PP. Generales a la antigua provincia del Paraguay (1608–1639) (Madrid: Comillas, 2005); Rubén Vargas Ugarte, Historia d e la Compañía de Jesús en el Perú (Burgos: n.p., 1963–65).

40 Burrus, Obra cartografica, 2–3, 2*–3*.

41 Miguel León-Portilla, “Trayectoria cartográfica de Baja California Sur,” Memoria de la III Semana de Información Histórica de Baja California Sur (La Paz: Universidad Autónoma de Baja California Sur, 1982), 7–57; León-Portilla, Cartografía y crónicas de la antigua California (Mexico City: 1989; Mexico City: UNAM, 2001); León-Portilla, “Baja California: Geografía de la esperanza,” Artes de México 65 (2003): 64–71; Ignacio del Río, El régimen jesuítico de la antigua California (Mexico City: UNAM, 2003); Neil Safier, Measuring the New World: Enlightenment Science and South America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2008); Albrecht Classen, “Transcultural Encounters: German Jesuit Missionaries in the Pimería Alta,” in Steven Martinson and Renate Schulz, eds., Transcultural German Studies / Deutsch als Fremdsprache: Building Bridges / Brücken bauen (Bern: Peter Lang, 2008), 269–95; Fuensanta Baena Reina, “De ‘tierra inhóspita’ a ‘tierra de misiones’: Baja California y la última frontera jesuítica (1683–1767),” Transhumante: Revista americana de historia social 4 (2014): 88–110; Carmen Manso Porto, “Cartografía de Mar del Sur de la Real Academia de la Historia y su relación con la historia de las Indias,” Revista de estudios colombinos 10 (June 2014): 33–44; Tamar Herzog, Frontiers of Possession: Spain and Portugal in Europe and the Americas (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2015), esp. 70–95; André Almeida, “Samuel Fritz and the Mapping of the Amazon,” Imago mundi 55 (2003): 113–19; Almeida, “Samuel Fritz Revisited: The Maps of the Amazon and Their Circulation in Europe,” in Diogo Curto, Angelo Cattaneo, and André Almeida, eds., La cartografia europea tra primo Rinascimento e fine dell’Illuminismo (Florence: Olschki, 2003), 133–53; Camila Loureiro Dias, “Jesuit Maps and Political Discourse: The Amazon River of Father Samuel Fritz,” The Am éricas 69, no. 1 (2012): 95–116; Carmen Fernández-Salvador, “Jesuit Missionary Work in the Imperial Frontier: Mapping the Amazon in Seventeenth-Century Quito,” in Religious Transformations in the Americas, ed. Stephanie Kirk and Sarah Rivett (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2014), 205–27;  Mirela Altic, “Missionary Cartography of the Amazon after the Treaty of Madrid (1750): The Jesuit Contribution to the Demarcation of Imperial Frontiers,” Terrae incognitae 46, no. 2 (September 2014): 69–85; Manuel Ruiz Jurado, “Una carta inédita de San Francisco Javier,” AHSI 75 (2006): 79–87; Santa Arias, “The Intellectual Conquest of the Orinoco: Filippo Salvatore Gilij’s Saggio di storia americana (1780–1784),” in the special issue “Troubled Waters: Rivers in Latin American Imagination,” ed. Elisabeth M. Pettinaroli and Ana Maria Mutis, Hispanic Issues On Line 12 (2013): 5574; Mirela Altic, “Changing the Discourse: Post-Expulsion Jesuit Cartography of Spanish America,” Journal of Jesuit Studies 6, no. 1 (2019): 99–114.

42 See Carlos Sommervogel et al., eds., Bibliothèque de la Compagnie de Jésus (Paris: Alphonse Picard, 1890–1932), 10:coll.823–31. This figure does not include the similar number of books on “applied geometry” or calendrical science. See generally Joseph MacDonnell, Jesuit Geometers (St. Louis, MO: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1989), which deals with fifty–six of the most important geometers. On Clavius see Ugo Baldini, “Christoph Clavius and the Scientific Scene in Rome,” in George V. Coyne et al., Gregorian Reform of the Calendar (Vatican City: Specola Vaticana, 1983), 145–251; and “The Academy of Mathematics of the Collegio Romano from 1553 to 1612,” in Jesuit Science and the Republic of Letters, ed. Mordechai Feingold (Cambridge, MA: MIT, 2003), 47–98; Peter Dear, Discipline and Experience (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995), 32–36; Rivka Feldhay, “The Cultural Field of Jesuit Science,” in John O’Malley et al., The Jesuits: Cultures, Sciences and the Arts, 1540–1773 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999), 107–30. Clavius’s original teaching program only included algebra, although in China, the Jesuit mission was interested in teaching Euclidean geometry, see Peter Engelfriet, Euclid in China (Leiden: Brill, 1998); Ugo Baldini, “The Jesuit College in Macao as a Meeting Point of the European, Chinese and Japanese Mathematical Traditions,” in Jesuits, the Padroado and East Asian Science, ed. Saraiva and Jami, 33–80.

43 Anthony Pagden, The Fall of Natural Man (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1982), 146–97.

44 Anthony Grafton, “Cartography,” The Classical Tradition (Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 2010), 170.

45 Stephen Harris, “Mapping Jesuit Science: The Role of Travel in the Geography of Knowledge,” in John O’Malley et al., The Jesuits: Cultures, Sciences and the Arts, 1540–1773 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999), 212–40; see also Harris, “Jesuit Scientific Activity in the Overseas Missions, 1540–1773,” Isis 96, no. 1 (March 2005), 71–79. See more generally Otto Hartig, “Geography and the Church,” in Charles George Herbermann, ed., The Catholic Encyclopedia (New York: Encyclopedia Press, 1913), 6:447–53; Thomas Joseph Campbell, The Jesuits, 1534–1921 (New York: Educational Press, 1921), 371–77; Allan Farrell, The Jesuit Code of Liberal Education (Milwaukee: Bruce, 1938); Jerome Jacobsen, Educational Foundations of the Jesuits in Sixteenth Century New Spain (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1938); François de Dainville, Les jésuites et l’éducation de la société française: La géographie des humanistes (Paris: Beauchesne et ses fils, 1940); Dainville, La naissance de l’humanisme moderne (Paris: Beauchesne et ses fils, 1940); Dainville, L’éducation des jésuites (Paris: Les Éditions de Minuit, 1978); Bousquet-Bressolier, ed., François de Dainville; Paul Grendler, Schooling in Renaissance Italy (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins, 1989), 364–70; Lesley Cormack, “Maps as Educational Tools in the Renaissance,” in Woodward, ed., History of Cartography , 3/1:628–30.

46 Paul Grendler, “Jesuit Schools in Europe: A Historiographical Essay,” Journal of Jesuit Studies 1 (2014): 7–25, here 13. See also the scattered references In Woodward, ed. History of Cartography , 3/2:76, 630, 1081, 1148, 1157.

47 Mary Pedley, The Commerce of Cartography (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005), 26–29; Denis de Lucca, Jesuits and Fortifications: The Contribution of the Jesuits to Military Architecture in the Baroque Age (Leiden: Brill, 2012), 188; Anne Godlewska, Geography Unbound: French Geographic Science from Cassini to Humboldt (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999), 23–39, 58; and de Dainville, Jésuites et l’éducation de la société française.

48 Jeffrey Peters, Mapping Discord: Allegorical Cartography in Early Modern French Writing (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 2004), 29–31, 212–14; Walter Goffart, Historical Atlases: The First Three Hundred Years, 1570–1870 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003), 20–21, 59, 66; Woodward, ed. History of Cartography: 3/2:1579; Anne Godlewska, Geography Unbound, 23, 37.

49 Paul Begheyn, Jesuit Books in the Dutch Republic and Its Generality Lands, 1567–1773 (Leiden: Brill, 2014).

50 Lucia Nuti, “La cartographie jésuite: Du plan de quartier à l’atlas du monde,” in Bousquet-Bressolier, ed. François de Dainville, 187–201, here 193.  Denis’s very rare Atlas géographique renfermant les etablissemens des Jesuites, avec la maniére dont ils divisent le globe terrestre: Il sert aussi d'introduction au géographique de l'arbre des jesuites (Paris: Chez Denis... la Porte Cochere vis avis le Collège de Clermont, 1764) was reissued as Atlas universel indiquant les établissemens des jésuites (Paris: Ambroise Dupont & Cie., 1826) after the reestablishment of the order.

51 Johann Schreiber, “Die Jesuiten des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts und ihr Verhältnis zur Astronomie,” Natur und Offenbarung 49 (1903): 129–43, 208–21; William Shea, “Galileo, Scheiner and the Interpretation of Sunspots,” Isis 61 (1970): 498–519; Ewen Whittaker, Mapping and Naming the Moon: A History of Lunar Cartography and Nomenclature (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999); Mario Biagioli, “Picturing Objects in the Making: Scheiner, Galilei, and the Discovery of Sunspots,” Wolfgang Detel and Claus Zittel, eds., Ideas and Cultures of Knowledge in Early Modern Europe (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 2002), 39–95; Janet Vertesi, “Picturing the Moon: Hevelius’s and Riccioli’s Visual Debate,” Studies in the History and Philosophy of Science 38, no. 2 (June 2007): 401–21; José Vaquero and Manuel Vázques, The Sun Recorded through Time (Berlin: Springer Verlag, 2009), esp. 103–73; Christopher Graney, Setting Aside All Authority: Giovanni Battista Riccioli and the Science against Copernicus in the Age of Galileo (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2015).

52 Deborah Warner, The Sky Explored: Celestial Cartography, 1500–1800 (New York: A. R. Liss, 1979), 196–98; John Snyder, Flattening the Earth: Two Thousand Years of Map Projections (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997), 18–19; Michael John Gorman, “Mathematics and Modesty in the Society of Jesus: The Problems of Christoph Grienberger,” in Mordechai Feingold, ed., The New Science and the Jesuit Science (Dordrecht: Kluwer, 2003), 1–120.

53 Joscelyn Godwin, Athanasius Kircher: A Renaissance Man and the Search for Lost Knowledge (London: Thames and Hudson, 1979), 215–36, which considers all of Kircher’s maps and plans; John Edward Fletcher, A Study of the Life and Works of Athanasius Kircher (Leiden: Brill, 2011), 173–74.

54 António Leal Duarte and Carlota Simões, eds., Azulejos que Ensinam (Coimbra: Universidade de Coimbra, 2007); Henrique Leitão and Samuel Gessner, “Euclid in Tiles: The Mathematical azulejos of the Jesuit College in Coimbra,” Mathematische Semesterbericht 61, no. 1 (2014): 1–5; Jennifer Frazer, “Origin of Mysterious Portuguese Mathematical and Geographical Tiles Revealed” (November 5, 2014), (accessed December 18, 2018). The tiles are preserved at the National Tile Museum, Lisbon.

55 Thomas Lawson, An Introduction to Geography, to which is added a Short Explanation of the Use of the Artificial Terrestrial Globe and of the Astronomical System: For the Use of Schools (Bruges: Joseph van Praet, 1768); and A Method of Geography, as Taught in the Schools of the English College Now at Bruges (Bruges: Joseph Van Praet, 1770). See Maurice Whitehead, English Jesuit Educatio n: Expulsion, Suppression, Survival, and Restoration, 1762–1803 (London: Routledge, 2013), chapter 4 and appendices 3–4.

56 Rainald Becker, “Catholic Print Cultures: German Jesuits and Colonial North America,” in Oliver Schneiding and Anja-Maria Bassimir, eds., Religious Periodicals and Publishing in Transnational Contexts (Newcastle on Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2017), 25–48; Peter Meurer, “Oscar Werner, S.J. and the Reform of Catholic Atlas Cartography in Germany (1884–88),” Journal of Jesuit Studies 6, no. 1 (2019): 115–131; Johannes Dörflinger, “Heinrich Scherer,” in Neue Deutsche Biographie (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 2005), 22:690–91; Ernest Burrus, Kino and the Cartography of Northwestern New Spain (Tucson: Arizona Pioneers’ Historical Society, 1965).

57 Agustín Udias, Jesuit Contribution to Science: A History (Dordrecht: Springer, 2015), 119.

58 Madalina Valeria Veres, “Scrutinizing the Heavens, Measuring the Earth: Joseph Liesganig’s Contribution to the Mapping of Habsburg Lands in the Eighteenth Century,” Journal of Jesuit Studies 6, no. 1 (2019): 85–98; Per Pippin Aspaas, “Maximilianus Hell (1720–1792) and the Eighteenth-Century Transits of Venus: A Study of Jesuit Science in Nordic and Central European Contexts” (PhD diss., University of Tromsø, 2012); László Kontler, “The Uses of Knowledge and the Symbolic Map of the Enlightened Monarchy of the Habsburgs: Maximilian Hell as Imperial and Royal Astronomer (1755–1792),” in Negotiating Knowledge in Early Modern Empires: A Decentered View, ed. László Kontler et al. (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014), 79–105; Gerhard Geissl, Joseph Liesganig: Die Wiener Meridianmessung und seine Arbeiten im Gebiet von Wiener Neustadt (Wiener Neustadt: Verein Museum und Archiv für Arbeit und Industrie im Viertel unter dem Wienerwald, 2001).

59 Mirela Altic, “Exploring Along the Rome Meridian: Roger Boscovich and the First Modern Map of the Papal States,” in Elri Liebenberg et al., eds., History of Cartography: International Symposium of the ICA, 2012 (Berlin: Springer, 2014), 71–90; Ivica Martinović, “Amerika-izazov za geodeta Ruđera Boškovića,” Anali zavoda za povijesne znanosti 35 (1997): 173–84; Mary Pedley, “‘I due valentuomini indefessi’: Christopher Maire and Roger Boscovich and the Mapping of the Papal States (1750–1755),” Imago mundi 45 (1993): 59–76; Rita Tolomeo, Ruggiero Giuseppe Boscovich: Lettere per una storia della scienza (17631786) (Rome: Accademia Nazionale delle Scienze, 1991); Lancelot Law Whyte, ed., Roger Joseph Boscovich, S.J., F.R.S., 17111787: Studies of His Life and Work on the 250th Anniversary of His Birth (London: Allen & Unwin, 1961).

60 Louis Caruana, “The Legacies of Suppression: Jesuit Culture and Science, What Was Lost? What Was Gained?,” in Jeff Burson and Jonathan Wright, eds., The Jesuit Suppression in Global Context: Causes, Events and Consequences (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015), 262–78.

61 Chantal Donzel-Verdeil, “Les jésuites de Syrie (1830–1864): Une mission auprès des chrétiens d’Orient au début des réformes ottomanes” (PhD diss., Université Paris IV-Sorbonne, 2003), 241–48, 263–64. See the map of Philippe Cuche, ARSI, Syr, 1003, XIV, 6a (reproduced 242) as well as the “comfortable” and “spacious” plan he made in 1853 for the Zahlé residence, ARSI, Syr, 1003, XV, 13 (reproduced 264).

62 Peter Meurer, “Oscar Werner, S.J.” The Denis atlas (1764) had been recently re-edited in France by Louis Pfister (1833–91), Cartes des provinces et des missions de la Compagnie de Jésus avant la suppression (17631773) (Laval: n.p., 1866).

63 Nuti, “La cartographie jésuite: Du plan de quartier à l’atlas du monde,” in Bousquet-Bressolier, ed. François de Dainville, 187–201; Louis Viansson-Ponté, Les jésuites à Metz (Strasbourg: Le Roux, 1897).  See the copy of the Carrez atlas digitized by ARSI at (accessed December 18, 2018).

64 The last example, according to Werner, was Jean Chrétien Joseph Kleintjens, Atlas der R. K. Missie in Nederlandsch Oost - en West-Indië (Maastricht: Van Aelst, 1928), an atlas of Catholic missions in Dutch colonies and like the observatories designed to compete with Protestant missionary efforts.

65 Agustín Udías, Searching the Heavens and the Earth: The History of Jesuit Observatories (Dordrecht: Springer, 2011). Udías has a complete list of the observatories, although his focus is not cartographic efforts. On Georgetown, see George A. Fargis, “Georgetown College Observatory, 1843–1893,” Publications of the Astronomical Society of the Pacific 7, no. 41 (1895): 89–97. On Madagascar, see Evelyne Combeau-Mari, “L’observatoire d”Ambohidempona à Madagascar (1888–1923): Pouvoir jésuite et science colonial,” French Colonial History 12 (2011): 103–21.

66 Agustín Udías and William Stauder, “Jesuit Geophysical Bbservatories,” EOS: Transactions, American Geophysical Union 72 (1991): 185–87; Udías and Stauder, “The Jesuit Contribution to Seismology,” Seismological Research Letters 67, no. 3 (May/June 1996): 10–19; Maria Bautista and Bartolome Bautista, “The Philippine Historical Earthquake Catalog: Its Development, Current State, and Future Directions,” Annals of Geophysics 47, no. 2 (April 2004): 379–85. See for example, Miguel Saderra Maso, La sismología en Filipinas (Manila: Establecimiento Tipo Litográfico de Ramírez y Compañía, 1895) includes isoseismal maps of large earthquakes; Ricardo Cirera y Salce, El magnetismo terrestre en Filipinas (Manila: Chofré y Cia, 1893); Jose Coronas, The Climate and Weather of the Philippines, 1903–1918 (Manila, 1920); Miguel Selga, Charts of Remarkable Typhoons in the Philippines 1902–1934 (1935) and Catalog of Typhoons , 1348–1934 (1935), an important data set known to scientists as the “Selga Chronology.” For an ethnographic map see Pablo Pastells, “Mapa etnográfico de Mindanao,” Cartas 7 (1887): 326–49. The Manila observatory had close ties with the work being done in Shanghai, including that of Marc Dechevrens and Louis Froc on typhoons, and Pierre Lejay’s Gravimetric Survey of the Philippines (Shanghai, 1939). Hydrography was also an interest as with Stanislas Chevalier, Atlas du haut Yang -tse, de I-Tchang Fou à P'ing-Chan Hien (Shanghai: Imprimerie de la Presse Orientale, 1899).

67 Mark Van de Velde, “The Two Language Maps of the Belgian Congo,” Annales aequatoria 20 (1999): 475–89.

68 Matthew Taylor and Michael Steinberg, “Controlling People and Space,” in Jordana Dym and Karl Offen, Mapping Latin America: A Cartographic Reader (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2011), 254–57; Michael Steinberg, Carrie Height, Rosemary Mosher, and Matthew Bampton, “Mapping Massacres: GIS and State Terror in Guatemala,” Geoforum 37 (2006): 62–68. For Falla’s maps see Masacres de la Selva: Ixcán, Guatemala, 1975–1982 (Guatemala City: Editorial Universitaria, 1992); Massacres in the Jungle: Ixcán, Guatemala, 1975–1982 (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1994). The Bancroft Library, Berkeley, has a good collection of Falla’s printed work, which ranges in scale and is often diagrammatic.

69 Gellért Merza, Ciara Beuster, Adam Lewis, et al., “Global Network of Jesuit Schools,” (accessed December 18, 2018). There is also an interactive version and an interactive map of Jesuit universities, (accessed December 18, 2018).

70 See Cams, Companions in Geography; and Mosca, From Frontier Policy to Foreign Policy.

71 See the efforts towards this in the special issue on Jesuit cartography for the Journal of Jesuit Studies 6, no. 1 (2019) as well as the evolving database of Jesuit maps, Robert Batchelor, “Jesuit Cartography.” (accessed December 18, 2018).

72 For Michel de Certeau on mapping and spatial practice see, The Practice of Everyday Life, trans. Steven Rendall (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984), 115–21 [originally L'invention du quotidien, vol. 1: Arts de faire (Paris: Union générale d'éditions, 1980)]; and on the Jesuits, “The Formality of Practices: From Religious Systems to the Ethics of the Enlightenment (Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries),” The Writing of History (New York: Columbia, 1988), 163 [originally “La formalité des pratiques du système religieux à l’éthique des Lumières (XVII–XVIII),” in L’écriture de l’histoire (Paris: 1975), 153–212].

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