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Botswana (Vol 11, 2014)

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Authors:
David Sebudubudu
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Keratilwe Bodilenyane
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(3,550 words)

The year was dominated by the general elections in October. As expected, the Botswana Democratic Party (bdp) maintained its dominance – albeit with a reduced popular vote. However, the two opposition parties, the Botswana Congress Party (bcp) and the Umbrella for Democratic Change (udc) – a coalition of the Botswana National Front (bnf), the Botswana Movement for Democracy (bmd) and the Botswana Peoples Party (bpp) – also mounted colourful campaigns. In addition, the Independent Electoral Commission (iec) registered the highest number ever of independent candidates – suggesting that the political party primary elections were not straightforward. The economic performance continued to show signs of recovery and stability. The country maintained its foreign policy, and there were no noticeable changes in socio-economic developments and disparities.

See also Botswana 2004 | 2005 | 2006 | 2007 | 2008 | 2009 | 2010 | 2011 | 2012 | 2013 | 2015 | 2016 | 2017 | 2018 | 2019 | 2020 | 2021 | 2022.

Contents Volume 11, 2014.

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The year was dominated by the general elections in October. As expected, the Botswana Democratic Party (bdp) maintained its dominance – albeit with a reduced popular vote. However, the two opposition parties, the Botswana Congress Party (bcp) and the Umbrella for Democratic Change (udc) – a coalition of the Botswana National Front (bnf), the Botswana Movement for Democracy (bmd) and the Botswana Peoples Party (bpp) – also mounted colourful campaigns. In addition, the Independent Electoral Commission (iec) registered the highest number ever of independent candidates – suggesting that the political party primary elections were not straightforward. The economic performance continued to show signs of recovery and stability. The country maintained its foreign policy, and there were no noticeable changes in socio-economic developments and disparities.

Domestic Politics

A by-election in the constituency of Francistown West was held on 25 January and won by Habaudi Hubona of the bcp, the first elected female opposition mp. This secured the bcp leader Dumelang Saleshando the position of leader of the parliamentary opposition. bdp candidate Ignatius Moswaane was barred by a court order from submitting his name to the iec after Whyte Marobela, who had lost the party primary election, challenged its outcome. Marobela approached the court after the bdp failed to address his complaint. Preparations for the national elections dominated during the year. Following an evaluation of the October 2013 general voter registration exercise, the iec conducted a supplementary voter registration exercise from 21 February to 2 March. A total of 824,073 voters were registered.

President Ian Khama initiated a cabinet reshuffle. Minister of Education and Skills Development Pelonomi Venson-Moitoi, who had been criticised in some quarters for her poor performance, was granted special leave from 1 April, under Section 126 (2) of the Constitution, to coordinate and develop the Ministry’s Education and Training Strategic Sector Plan on a full-time basis. Mokgweetsi Masisi took her place as acting minister of education and skills development, and Shaw Kgathi replaced Masisi as acting minister of presidential affairs and public administration. Vincent Seretse, who had a corruption case pending, in turn replaced Kgathi as acting minister of youth, sports and culture, and Keletso Rakhudu was moved from the Ministry of Trade and Industry to the Ministry of Education and Skills Development as another assistant minister. Appointing these ministers on an acting basis brought Khama a lot of criticism.

The bdp elected and validated Khama as its presidential candidate at its special congress on 4 April, and its 52nd National Council on 5 April in Gaborone. These were followed by the unveiling of the party’s manifesto and parliamentary candidates on 6 April. Some senior members of the bdp who had lost in the party’s primary elections in 2013 resigned from the party, citing irregularities in the conduct of the elections. mp Moeng Pheto left the bdp on 10 April following his suspension from the party, and stood as an independent candidate for Lentsweletau-Mmopane constituency. mp and former deputy speaker of the National Assembly Pono Moatlhodi resigned from the bdp on 14 April, ending his 39-year membership of the party. He later joined the bnf but contested the elections under the udc banner. Moatlhodi retained the position of deputy speaker until the election.

On 17 March, the bcp revealed its 25-member shadow cabinet, the first in the party’s history, and on 26 April released its election manifesto and launched Dumelang Saleshando as its presidential candidate and Gaborone Central constituency candidate. The bcp held its conference on 19–22 July in Gaborone, where it quashed prospects of joining the opposition coalition. Instead, it encouraged its members to vote for the opposition udc in constituencies where it had no representation, a suggestion that was rebuffed by the udc. Earlier, a delegation from the Communist Party of China had met the leadership of the bcp in January.

The udc unveiled its election manifesto on 6 June and presented Duma Boko, the party’s president, as its presidential candidate. The udc coalition of the bnf, the bmd and the bpp agreed to use one symbol for the elections but to retain their individual party identities. The constituent members held the udc conference in Serowe on 19–22 July. Interestingly, the Botswana Federation of Public Sector Unions (bofepusu) declared its support for the udc, a move meant to spite the opposition bcp, which had opted out of the coalition, and the ruling bdp, which had had an uneasy relationship with public sector unions since the public sector strike of 2011, when the bdp government refused to increase public worker’s salaries by 16%, citing the economic downturn. However, the udc suffered a setback with the death of Gomolemo Motswaledi, its secretary general and president of the bmd, in what some believed was a ‘mysterious’ car accident on 30 July. Botswana Police Service investigations found no ‘foul play’. Motswaledi’s party instituted its own parallel investigation, and its full report remained to be made public. However, according to Boko, “preliminary reports by experts engaged by the party suggest Motswaledi was murdered”. Motswaledi’s car accident took place amid unconfirmed accusations that Khama’s government had a ‘hit list’ of opposition leaders, including Boko, who were allegedly targeted for elimination by the Directorate of Intelligence Services (dis). Khama dismissed these reports, but they were repeated throughout the election campaign. A report by Business Monitor International suggested that the udc posed a serious challenge to the bdp’s hold on power, as it exploited the country’s developmental challenges, including the tension between the unions and government.

On 6 August, Khama announced that Botswana’s tenth parliament would be dissolved on 29 August, and set 24 October as the day for holding the eleventh general elections. Vice President Ponatshego Kedikilwe retired following the elections. The elections, which were free and peaceful, were contested by the bcp, bdp and udc. In the election results, the bdp won 37 of the 57 directly elected seats (with 47% of the vote), the udc 17 (with 30% of the vote) and the bcp three (with 20% of the vote). A number of senior bdp mps lost their seats to the opposition. They included two ministers, four assistant ministers and the bdp’s longest serving mp, Daniel Kwelagobe, who had been in parliament since 1969. The leader of the bcp, Dumelang Saleshando, also lost his seat. Saleshando was the only opposition candidate whose name appeared amongst ruling party politicians whom the bofepusu specifically campaigned against, because he had failed to ensure that his party joined the udc coalition. Of the 57 directly elected mps, 33 were elected for the first time (18 bdp, 13 udc and two bcp). Of the 824,073 registered voters, 698,409 cast their votes; 690,242 ballots were considered valid while 8,167 were spoiled. The number of women elected as mps remained low.

After a legal dispute confirming the parliamentary standing orders, parliament endorsed Mokgweetsi Masisi as vice president by secret ballot, following his appointment by the president. Gladys Kokorwe and Kagiso Molatlhegi were elected speaker and deputy speaker of the National Assembly, respectively, following their nomination by the bdp caucus. Kokorwe defeated the former speaker, Margaret Nasha, by 41 votes to 21. Nasha was perceived to be aligned with the opposition after she published a book on 20 March that disparaged Khama. In April, she was refused permission to act as an observer in South Africa’s 7 May election.

Parliament elected four specially elected members in line with Section 58 (2)(d) of the Constitution. Two of them had lost their seats in the general elections, one was a former permanent secretary to the president and the other was a former minister of finance and development planning, who was reappointed to the same ministry. All four were appointed ministers. In addition, a number of former bdp mps, ministers and assistant ministers who had lost their seats at either the party primary elections in 2013 or the general election found their way back into public service as diplomats, civil servants or councillors. Of the 119 councillors nominated by the minister of local government and rural development, 115 were bdp and four udc. This demonstrated the extent to which the bdp continued to use patronage to reward its members, including those who had been rejected by the electorate.

Allegations of corruption and misappropriation continued to make headlines. The most publicised allegations of public concern involved dis Director General Isaac Kgosi, one of Khama’s closest associates. Kgosi was ostensibly investigated by the Directorate on Corruption and Economic Crime (dcec) for living beyond his means, which is a crime under the dcec Act. Media reports suggested that Kgosi, amongst others, received around bp (pula) 900,000 from the former managing director of Debswana, Louis Nchindo, at a time when the latter was being prosecuted for corruption. The allegations were widely covered by the private sector media while state media remained silent. On 3 April, Khama confirmed that Kgosi was being investigated by the dcec. On 27 June, the dcec failed to secure a court order to prevent the ‘Sunday Standard’ from circulating information regarding a dcec interview with Kgosi and investigation into his affairs. The newspaper was only prevented from “reproducing verbatim the extracts from the interviews conducted by the dcec with persons whose names shall be made available to the publication for inspection, on condition that these names shall not be disclosed to third parties”. As a result, there was pressure on Khama to dismiss Kgosi and have him prosecuted. Nevertheless, no charges of corruption were brought against him and, in September, he rebuffed the allegations and continued in post. Meanwhile, the case of Vincent Seretse, who had been appointed minister of trade and industry after the elections, was yet to be concluded by the courts. The dcec finished a draft national anti-corruption policy, which remained to be approved by the cabinet and Parliament.

The tension between the government and the bofepusu continued. On 23 April, the Court of Appeal affirmed a High Court judgement that the government’s decision to expand the list of essential service workers using a statutory instrument was illegal. In May, the High Court reversed a government decision to ‘de-register’ bofepusu. These cases demonstrated the government’s intolerance of organisations that posed a threat to its power base. In August, during the dissolution of the tenth parliament, mp Daniel Kwelagobe (see above) called for “political tolerance to trade unions”. Surprisingly, Festus Mogae, president of Botswana from 1998 to 2008, criticised the government for “failing to respect the rule of law”, thus further strengthening concerns that Khama was intolerant of dissenting views.

Issues affecting minority groups also emerged. Matters concerning the Basarwa/San, including access to water, continued to attract criticism and negative publicity. Survival International called for a ‘boycott’ of the tourism sector – a major revenue earner for Botswana. In return, Khama barred Survival International, and they joined a number of individuals who were “unwelcome in the country”. In June, there were media reports that a “former un advisor on water, Maude Barlow, . . . condemned the government of Botswana for failing to protect Basarwa living in the Central Kalahari Game Reserve (ckgr) against international companies that are practising fracking in their ancestral land”. A Basarwa rights activist, Jumanda Gakelebone, was elected as udc councillor for New Xade on 24 October. On other issues affecting minorities, on 14 November a High Court judge nullified the government’s decision not to allow the Lesbians, Gays and Bisexuals of Botswana (legabibo) to register its association. The government indicated its intention to appeal against this ruling.

Foreign Policy

The minister of foreign affairs and international cooperation headed a delegation to the 22nd au Ordinary Session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government in Addis Ababa (Ethiopia) on 30–31 January, to the 4th Africa-eu Summit on 2–3 April in Brussels (Belgium) and to the us-Africa Leaders’ Summit in Washington dc on 4–6 August. He made an official visit to Argentina on 16–19 September and led a delegation to the 69th Session of the un General Assembly from 20 September to 2 October.

In contrast, President Ian Khama was less interested in such gatherings and kept trips abroad to a minimum. He attended the inauguration of Malawi’s President Peter Mutharika on 2 June, and the sadc Summit on 17–18 August in Victoria Falls (Zambia), where he was elected vice chairman of sadc. On 11 November, former president Festus Mogae attended the funeral of Zambian President Michael Sata on Khama’s behalf. From 17 to 20 November, President Jacob Zuma attended the 2nd Botswana-South Africa Bi-Annual Commission, at Khama’s invitation.

Botswana maintained a strong commitment to international relations. On 19 February, it cut ties with North Korea following a un Commission of Inquiry report that recorded “systematic, widespread and grave human rights violations” in that country. Botswana had suspended relations with North Korea in 2013. Azerbaijan’s minister of foreign affairs visited Botswana on 25 February. On 21 March, Botswana contributed 16 tonnes of roofing and blankets to Burundi. On 12–14 May, King Letsie iii of Lesotho visited. On 22 May, Botswana expressed concern at the increased political instability in Ukraine, and urged the involvement of non-aligned organisations such as the un in restoring political stability in that country. On 3 June, Botswana criticised Sudan for condemning a woman to death for her Christian faith, and urged other countries to express their disapproval of Sudan’s decision as it violated the woman’s liberties. On 8 August, Botswana offered financial support for combating the Ebola epidemic in Guinea, Liberia and Sierra Leone. Botswana also extended financial aid to Palestine in response to the un appeal geared towards easing “the plight of internally and externally displaced Palestinians”.

Botswana and the usa had a diplomatic spat in September following the usa’s disapproval of the arrest of the editor of the ‘Sunday Standard’ newspaper, Outsa Mokone. Mokone was arrested and charged with sedition after his paper carried a story that “detailed the president’s involvement in a car accident”. The charge came against the backdrop of the Kgosi affair (see above). In a press statement, Botswana disparaged the usa, reminding it to concern itself with “allegations of abuse in their own country, such as the recent alleged assault and detention without charge by law enforcement personnel of the Washington Post reporter, Wesley Lowery, while he was attempting to cover the unrest in Ferguson Missouri, subsequent to the fatal police shooting of 18 year old Michael Brown”. The government’s action attracted a lot of criticism. Media reports suggested that Botswana had ‘apologised’ to the usa. Mokone’s arrest also attracted a lot of criticism, even from within the country. The decision to charge him was viewed in some quarters, including by Freedom House, as an attempt by Khama’s government to muzzle the press, particularly the private sector press, which had been so critical of government. In its ‘Freedom of the World’, Freedom House categorised Botswana as ‘partly free in Freedom of the Press’.

In September, the government of Botswana denied Julius Malema a visa to visit Botswana, a decision that did not surprise many. He had been expected to address a meeting to launch bnf Youth League Secretary, Arafat Khan as udc council candidate for Borakalalo ward. Malema had previously called for a change of government in Botswana, and had also criticised Khama’s government for its proximity to the usa. Malema’s party, the Economic Freedom Fighters, called for Botswana’s isolation.

A high-profile meeting was held in Gaborone on 24–26 November when the 23rd session of the Council of Member States of the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, and the Annual Democracy Forum took place under the title ‘fostering democracy and development through sound management of natural resources’, a highly relevant theme for a country like Botswana that is heavily dependent on the exploitation of natural resources. The meeting was jointly organised by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, and the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International idea). Botswana held the International idea council chairmanship in 2014. In September, Botswana failed in its bid to secure the presidency of the icc as its candidate, Athaliah Molokomme, was not endorsed by African countries.

Botswana had suspended its participation in sadc election observer missions following the 2013 Zimbabwe elections, citing non-compliance with the sadc Principles and Guidelines Governing Democratic Elections. However, it later revised its decision and sent observers to the Malawi 20 May elections following a response from the sadc Secretariat regarding its concerns on 24 April.

Socioeconomic Developments

The gdp growth rate was projected at 5.2%, slightly lower than the 5.8% recorded in 2013, while the imf put gdp growth at 4.4%. The country’s budget surplus continued. The 2014/2015 budget estimated revenues at bp 50.183 bn, and expenditure at bp 48.857 bn, thus projecting an initial surplus of bp 1.326 bn, which was reduced to bp 280.83 m, after supplementary funding. Customs and excise contributed 31.8% to the budget (plus non-mineral revenues at 31.2% and mineral revenues 30.4%). Foreign reserves were estimated at bp 79.0 bn in December. Inflation was maintained within the Bank of Botswana’s medium range of 3%-6%, recorded at 4.6% in August and 3.8% in December.

The stable economic environment was affirmed by outside agencies. Moody’s Investors Service awarded a credit rating of A2. Although, the imf Article iv consultation found Botswana’s economic performance outstanding, it nevertheless called for a reduction in the wage bill and for the tax base to be widened. The performance of the country’s state owned enterprises (soes) underscored by the imf Article iv consultation, remained ‘uneven’, with some realising satisfactory performance and others recording a loss. Efforts were in motion to rationalise and privatise some of the soes, as well as to improve their governance. Botswana ranked 74th out of 144 countries in the 2014–15 Global Competitiveness Report of the World Economic Forum, which identified the continued reliance on minerals as a major challenge. The Report also cited the quality of education as an issue of concern.

There were no major shifts in the challenges presented by inequality, poverty, unemployment and hiv/aids. According to the 2014 African Economic Outlook Report, Botswana recorded a Gini coefficient of 0.61, suggesting a comparatively uneven distribution of wealth. The national unemployment and poverty rates remained unchanged at 17.8% and 20.7%, respectively, suggesting that the economy had failed to generate more jobs. The government sustained its social safety programmes, meant to cushion poor, underprivileged and vulnerable groups. For instance, the government was in November supporting 35,236 orphans and vulnerable children, 34,845 destitute persons, more than 99,000 old-age pensioners, and 1,161 home-based patients. The various social programmes cost bp 1.8 bn, according to government figures. A further 66,757 people were employed monthly in labour intensive works at a cost of bp 581 m over the financial year. In line with efforts to eradicate poverty, 20,636 beneficiaries had been identified in November to be supported through alternative packages. Meanwhile, the development of a Botswana Poverty Eradication Strategy was under way.

Efforts to combat and mitigate the scourge of hiv/aids were maintained. The fourth Aids Impact Survey (bias iv) of 2013 put the number of people who had been tested at 70% in 2013, up from 56% in 2008. The same survey recorded a national prevalence of infection of 18.5%, which was a slight increase from 17.6% in 2008. The incidence rate registered a decline of 1.4% in 2013, from 1.5% in 2008. According to government data, 115,000 males had undergone safe circumcision in November, out of a projected target of 385,000. The mother-to-child transmission programme had also been effective, with transmission put at 2% or below, and with a target of less than 1% in 2015. hiv/aids has negatively affected the country’s hdi.

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